South Carolina

South Carolina has a plural executive, a legacy of a constitution built to keep the governor weak and the Legislature strong. Voters elect the Governor and Lieutenant Governor (who, since 2018, finally run together as a single ticket rather than separately), plus a long list of independently elected officers: the Attorney General, the Secretary of State, the Comptroller General, the State Treasurer, the Superintendent of Education, and the Commissioner of Agriculture. Because so many run on their own, the Governor shares the executive branch with officials who answer to the voters.

Historically the governorship was one of the weakest in the country, with even routine appointments and budget decisions controlled by legislative boards and commissions. A series of restructuring reforms since the 1990s has moved more agencies under the Governor’s cabinet, but South Carolina’s executive branch remains more fragmented than most.

The South Carolina General Assembly is bicameral: a 46-seat State Senate (four-year terms) and a 124-seat House of Representatives (two-year terms). It is a part-time, citizen legislature, with notably low base pay, $10,400 a year (unchanged since 1990) plus a $231-a-day session per diem, so members keep outside careers, and there are no term limits.

The defining fact is the General Assembly’s historic dominance. South Carolina was for generations the leading example of "legislative supremacy," in which the Legislature controlled not just lawmaking but much of what the executive and judicial branches did, choosing judges, staffing boards that ran state agencies, and steering local government. Even after decades of reform shifting power toward the governor, the General Assembly remains unusually central to how the state is run.

A bill is introduced, referred to committee, and, if it advances, voted on the floor of each chamber, with differences reconciled before final passage. The Governor can sign a bill, veto it, or let it become law, and holds a line-item veto over appropriations; a veto override takes two-thirds of each chamber.

South Carolina has no citizen initiative or referendum, voters cannot place statutes or constitutional amendments on the ballot themselves. Proposed constitutional amendments are referred to the voters only by the General Assembly (and then confirmed by the Legislature after ratification). That keeps lawmaking firmly in legislative hands, consistent with the state’s long tradition of legislative dominance.

The modern South Carolina governor appoints a growing number of cabinet agency heads, proposes a budget, can call special sessions, holds emergency powers, wields a line-item veto, and holds a limited clemency power, in South Carolina, pardons are granted by the Board of Probation, Parole and Pardon Services, not the governor, who may grant reprieves and commute a death sentence to life imprisonment. Restructuring reforms have made the office meaningfully stronger than it was a generation ago.

But the Governor still operates in a system built around the Legislature. Many officials are independently elected rather than appointed, the General Assembly historically controlled boards and commissions that elsewhere answer to a governor, and, most strikingly, the Governor has no role in selecting judges. The principal counterweight to the Governor is not a single rival office but the General Assembly itself.

South Carolina is one of only two states (with Virginia) where the legislature elects the judges. A Judicial Merit Selection Commission screens and nominates candidates, and the General Assembly then chooses among them by joint vote, the voters and the Governor have little say. The Supreme Court of South Carolina sits at the top, above the Court of Appeals and the trial-level Circuit and Family courts. This legislative role in staffing the bench is the purest expression of the state’s legislative-supremacy tradition.