HR5361119th Congress

George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2025

Sponsored By: Representative Ivey

Introduced

Summary

Creates a sweeping federal framework to boost police accountability and transparency through a national misconduct registry, tighter use‑of‑force standards, and funded independent investigations. It also links federal grants to accreditation, anti‑profiling rules, body‑camera rules, and training for officers.

Bill Overview

Analyzed Economic Effects

11 provisions identified: 8 benefits, 0 costs, 3 mixed.

Ban on racial profiling in policing

If enacted, the bill would ban racial and other profiling in routine stops and searches. Officers could rely on race or similar traits only when trustworthy, local, and timely facts link a person to a crime. It would allow civil lawsuits, require federal policies, training, and data collection, and tie Byrne funding to States adopting required training starting one year after enactment.

More reporting on stops and force

If enacted, police at all levels would have to report stops, searches, and use of force with race, ethnicity, age, and gender details. States and Tribes that get Byrne funds would report quarterly and keep records at least 4 years; federal agencies would also report quarterly. The Attorney General would set rules within 6 months, audit yearly, and the Bureau of Justice Statistics would publish national reports within 3 years and then every year. States not in substantial compliance could lose DOJ law‑enforcement aid for that year, and the AG could cut up to 10% of Byrne funds. Researchers and State AGs could get non‑identifying data, and names would be protected. A small pilot would fund up to five hit‑rate projects ($5 million total plus $500,000 to evaluate).

National misconduct registry and officer certifications

If enacted, the Attorney General would create a public National Police Misconduct Registry within 180 days. Federal agencies would report within 1 year and then every 6 months; States that get Byrne funds would report every 180 days starting the first fiscal year that begins after 1 year. Entries would include complaints, discipline, terminations, certifications, lawsuits, and resignations under investigation. To keep Byrne funds starting the first fiscal year after 1 year from enactment, States and localities would need an officer certification/decertification system and must report that all officers completed required certifications in the prior year.

Stronger oversight and independent investigations

If enacted, the bill would fund independent deadly‑force investigations and expand oversight tools. It would authorize $750 million for FY2026–FY2028 to help States and Tribes run independent investigations, and $100 million each year for FY2026–FY2028 for State pattern‑and‑practice probes. A DOJ oversight task force would be created with $5 million each year. State attorneys general could sue in federal court and use subpoena power; DOJ could subpoena documents and witnesses. It would not limit existing remedies and would not waive Tribal sovereign immunity.

Tighter force rules and chokehold bans

If enacted, the bill would set federal rules for using force. Less‑lethal force would be allowed only when necessary and proportional after trying reasonable options. Deadly force would be a last resort to stop imminent serious harm and must avoid substantial risk to others, with a warning when feasible. The Attorney General would issue guidance within 120 days. It would define deadly and non‑deadly force, including chokeholds and repeated Taser shocks. One year after enactment, States would need laws banning chokeholds and carotid holds to keep Byrne or COPS grants, and such holds would count as punishment under federal civil‑rights law.

National rules for police body cameras

If enacted, federal officers would need to wear body cameras and turn them on for calls and stops. Officers would have to tell people they are being recorded, and in homes or with victims, some can ask to stop. Cameras could not use facial recognition or have footage run through it. Agencies using these grants would need public policies, protect stored footage, and report key stats. Officers would face limits on when they can view footage and on sharing recordings. Default retention would be 6 months (3 years if force or a complaint), and at least 90 days for in‑car video. These rules would apply only when officers are on duty.

New strings on DOJ policing grants

If enacted, DOJ grants would come with new conditions. Applicants would have to set aside at least 10% for anti‑profiling work, 5% for body‑camera policies, and 5% for accreditation help. Starting the first fiscal year that begins after 1 year from enactment, States and localities could lose Byrne or COPS funds if they lack chokehold/carotid‑hold bans, allow no‑knock drug warrants (for COPS), or fail to criminalize sexual acts under color of law with no consent defense. Jurisdictions could not pass funds to agencies with contracts that block DOJ consent‑decree enforcement or conflict with court orders. The Attorney General would issue guidance within 120 days and may steer discretionary grants to places that require accreditation. Covered programs include any funded by Byrne or COPS. Withheld funds could be released later, subject to a 5‑year cap.

Criminal ban on officer sexual acts

If enacted, it would be a federal crime for someone acting under color of law to engage in a sexual act with a person in federal custody. Consent would not be a defense. Penalties could include a fine and up to 15 years in prison. States and localities that get COPS grants would have to report each year on such cases and their outcomes, and federal watchdogs would report to Congress within 1 year and annually.

Easier civil-rights suits and prosecutions

If enacted, the bill would narrow qualified‑immunity defenses in civil‑rights suits. Officers could not avoid liability by claiming good faith, a belief their conduct was lawful, or that the right was not clearly established. It would also change federal criminal standards by replacing “willfully” with “knowingly or recklessly,” removing the death‑penalty option, and counting an act as causing death if it was a substantial factor.

Grants for community safety and hiring

If enacted, the bill would support community‑led safety work and officer hiring. Byrne and COPS grants could fund local task forces and crisis teams, with best‑practice reports. COPS could offer incentives to recruit and keep officers who live in or move to the communities they serve and would report on diversity and relocation impacts. The Attorney General could give $25 million in FY2026 to community groups for non‑police responses. Small tribal or local agencies could get technical help if they meet set conditions.

Limits on military gear to police

If enacted, the bill would tighten transfers of surplus military gear to local police. Agencies would need to describe the intended use, give at least 30 days of public notice online and in prominent places, and get approval from the local governing body. Recipients would have to return items they no longer need. The Department of Defense would send annual accounting reports to Congress.

Sponsors & CoSponsors

Sponsor

Ivey

MD • D

Cosponsors

  • Adams

    NC • D

    Sponsored 9/15/2025

  • Ansari

    AZ • D

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  • Balint

    VT • D

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  • Beatty

    OH • D

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  • Bell

    MO • D

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  • Bera

    CA • D

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  • Beyer

    VA • D

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  • Brown

    OH • D

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  • Brownley

    CA • D

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  • Carson

    IN • D

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  • Carter (LA)

    LA • D

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  • Casten

    IL • D

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  • Castor (FL)

    FL • D

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  • Cherfilus-McCormick

    FL • D

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  • Chu

    CA • D

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  • Clarke (NY)

    NY • D

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  • Cleaver

    MO • D

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  • Clyburn

    SC • D

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  • Cohen

    TN • D

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  • Correa

    CA • D

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  • Costa

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  • Crockett

    TX • D

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  • Crow

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  • Davis (IL)

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  • Dean (PA)

    PA • D

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  • DelBene

    WA • D

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  • DeGette

    CO • D

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  • Deluzio

    PA • D

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  • DeSaulnier

    CA • D

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  • Doggett

    TX • D

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  • Escobar

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  • Espaillat

    NY • D

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  • Evans (PA)

    PA • D

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  • Figures

    AL • D

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  • Fletcher

    TX • D

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  • Foster

    IL • D

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  • Foushee

    NC • D

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  • Friedman

    CA • D

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  • Frost

    FL • D

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  • Garamendi

    CA • D

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  • Garcia (CA)

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    TX • D

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    CT • D

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    PA • D

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  • Hoyer

    MD • D

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  • Huffman

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  • Jacobs

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  • Jayapal

    WA • D

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  • Johnson (GA)

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  • Kamlager-Dove

    CA • D

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  • Kelly (IL)

    IL • D

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  • Krishnamoorthi

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  • Leger Fernandez

    NM • D

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  • Lieu

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  • Lynch

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  • Matsui

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  • McBath

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  • McBride

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  • McClellan

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  • McCollum

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  • McGarvey

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  • McGovern

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  • McIver

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  • Meeks

    NY • D

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  • Meng

    NY • D

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  • Mfume

    MD • D

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  • Moore (WI)

    WI • D

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  • Morelle

    NY • D

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  • Moulton

    MA • D

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  • Mrvan

    IN • D

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  • Nadler

    NY • D

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  • Neguse

    CO • D

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  • Del. Norton, Eleanor Holmes [D-DC-At Large]

    DC • D

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  • Ocasio-Cortez

    NY • D

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  • Olszewski

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  • Omar

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  • Panetta

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  • Pelosi

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  • Peters

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    ME • D

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    VI • D

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  • Pressley

    MA • D

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    IL • D

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  • Ross

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  • Schneider

    IL • D

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    GA • D

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  • Sewell

    AL • D

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  • Simon

    CA • D

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  • Sherman

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    FL • D

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  • Stansbury

    NM • D

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  • Stevens

    MI • D

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  • Strickland

    WA • D

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  • Swalwell

    CA • D

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  • Thanedar

    MI • D

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    MS • D

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    HI • D

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    MA • D

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  • Underwood

    IL • D

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  • Vargas

    CA • D

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  • Veasey

    TX • D

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  • Velazquez

    NY • D

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  • Wasserman Schultz

    FL • D

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  • Waters

    CA • D

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  • Watson Coleman

    NJ • D

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  • Williams (GA)

    GA • D

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  • Wilson (FL)

    FL • D

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    NY • D

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    MD • D

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    WA • D

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  • Casar

    TX • D

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    GA • D

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    CT • D

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  • Gomez

    CA • D

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  • Norcross

    NJ • D

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