All Roll Calls
Yes: 536 • No: 525
Sponsored By: Representative Arrington, Jodey C. [R-TX-19]
Resolving Differences
Establishes multi-year budgetary targets for 2025–2034 that fix revenue, spending, deficits, and major-function funding across federal programs. It pairs those numeric ceilings with a policy push for large mandatory-spending cuts and gives budget chairs authority to adjust baselines.
*This resolution reduces federal revenues by $150 billion each year and projects persistent annual deficits of roughly $936.3 billion in 2025 to $1.5 trillion in 2034, indicating continued strain on the federal ledger.*
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12 provisions identified: 3 benefits, 0 costs, 9 mixed.
If adopted, the resolution would set Social Security revenue and spending baselines for 2025–2034 to enforce Senate budget rules. For FY2025, it lists about $1.304 trillion in revenues and about $1.414 trillion in outlays. It would also set yearly administrative funding to run the program, about $6.4 billion in FY2025 rising to about $7.869 billion in FY2034. It would set Social Security category funding levels across the decade. These steps guide enforcement and operations and would not change benefit formulas.
If adopted, the resolution would set yearly funding levels for Medicare and other health programs from 2025 to 2034. Examples: Medicare is about $952 billion in FY2025 and about $1.67 trillion in FY2034; the Health function is about $949 billion in FY2025 and about $1.31 trillion in FY2034. It would also let the Senate Budget Chair adjust allocations for deficit‑neutral bills that protect Medicaid and extend Medicare’s Hospital Insurance Trust Fund.
If adopted, the House Ways and Means Committee would be directed to propose an increase to the debt limit by $4 trillion by May 9, 2025. The Senate Finance Committee would be directed to propose up to a $5 trillion increase by May 16, 2025. These are instructions to draft debt‑limit legislation and would not raise the limit by themselves.
If adopted by both chambers, this resolution would set a $150 billion drop in total federal revenues each year from 2025 through 2034. This target would be used to enforce the budget plan. It would not, by itself, change tax rates or rules. Real impacts for households would come later from laws passed to meet this target.
If adopted, the resolution would give House committees budget targets for 2025–2034. It would require deficit cuts of at least $880 billion from Energy and Commerce, $330 billion from Education and Workforce, $230 billion from Agriculture, $50 billion from Oversight, $10 billion from Transportation, and $1 billion each from Financial Services and Natural Resources. It would allow limited deficit increases up to $4.5 trillion for Ways and Means, $110 billion for Judiciary, $100 billion for Armed Services, and $90 billion for Homeland Security. Committees would need to submit proposals by May 9, 2025; these instructions do not change law by themselves.
If adopted by both chambers, the resolution would set a House rule for reconciliation. If listed committees deliver less than $2 trillion in net deficit reduction for 2025–2034, the Budget Chair would cut the $4.5 trillion Ways and Means instruction by the shortfall. If they deliver more, the Chair would raise that instruction by the excess. The Chair would have to certify the change in writing using CBO and JCT estimates.
If adopted, the resolution would set Senate committee targets for 2025–2034. Finance could increase the deficit by up to $1.5 trillion; Homeland Security and Judiciary by up to $175 billion each; Armed Services by up to $150 billion; and Commerce by up to $20 billion. Environment and Public Works could increase by up to $1 billion, while HELP must reduce the deficit by at least $1 billion. Agriculture, Banking, and Energy must each reduce the deficit by at least $1 billion. Recommendations would be due by May 9, 2025; these instructions do not change law on their own.
If adopted by both chambers, this resolution would set yearly targets for total spending, new budget authority, deficits, and debt for 2025–2034. For example, it lists a deficit of about $936 billion in FY2025 and about $1.4 trillion in FY2034. Total outlays would be about $4.636 trillion in FY2025 and about $6.647 trillion in FY2034. It also sets debt targets, such as about $36.5 trillion in national public debt for FY2025 and about $50.5 trillion for FY2034, and debt held by the public of about $29.3 trillion in FY2025 and about $43.5 trillion in FY2034.
If adopted by both chambers, the resolution would let the Senate Budget Committee chair change budget totals for certain tax bills. The chair would be able to use a baseline that treats some 2017 tax law provisions as current policy. Any bill using this rule would not be allowed to raise the deficit over 2025–2034.
If adopted, the resolution would require that USPS administrative costs be included in budget allocations and enforcement. It also lists yearly USPS admin amounts, such as about $268 million for FY2025 rising to about $364 million for FY2034. These numbers guide enforcement and support mail operations; they would not set postage rates.
If adopted, the House and Senate Budget Chairs would be able to revise allocations and aggregates for reconciliation bills that meet the resolution’s instructions. They would also be able to update numbers to reflect CBO baseline updates and changes in budget definitions, and to publish adjustments in the Congressional Record. Adjustments would apply while a bill is considered and would take effect when that bill is enacted. If no conference is appointed, the House Budget Chair would publish committee allocations for FY2025 and for 2025–2034. The title would operate as House and Senate rules.
If adopted, the Senate Budget Chair would be able to adjust budget levels for bills that reduce outlays and cut the deficit by more than $2 trillion over 2025–2034. The chair would also be able to adjust for bills that reduce costly federal regulations, as long as they do not raise the deficit through 2029 or through 2034. These are enforcement tools and would not change laws by themselves.
Arrington, Jodey C. [R-TX-19]
TX • R
There are no cosponsors for this bill.
All Roll Calls
Yes: 536 • No: 525
house vote • 4/10/2025
On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendment
Yes: 216 • No: 214
senate vote • 4/5/2025
On the Concurrent Resolution H.Con.Res. 14
Yes: 51 • No: 48
senate vote • 4/3/2025
On the Motion to Proceed H.Con.Res. 14
Yes: 52 • No: 48
house vote • 2/25/2025
On Agreeing to the Resolution, as Amended
Yes: 217 • No: 215
119-hr-1, One Big Beautiful Bill Act
A major, multi‑title federal spending, tax, and policy package that reshapes agriculture and nutrition rules, pours large sums into defense and border security, and remakes many tax and clean‑energy incentives across dozens of programs.
119-hr-4317, PBM Reform Act of 2025
Greater PBM transparency and tighter contract rules would require pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) to disclose detailed per‑drug revenues and rebates, protect small "essential" retail pharmacies, and change Medicaid and group plan payment rules across the drug supply chain. The bill would layer reporting, audit rights, pass‑through pricing, and enforcement across Medicare Part D, ERISA/group plans, and Medicaid to spotlight hidden payments and affiliate flows. - Patients and community pharmacies: Would create an "essential retail pharmacy" label for pharmacies in underserved areas and require network access standards and biennial public data starting in 2028, helping small pharmacies show reimbursement and cost differences to plans. - PBMs, plans, and auditors: Would force PBMs to adopt flat bona fide service fees, disclose per‑drug claims, rebates, retained revenue, and affiliate dispensing shares, and give sponsors audit rights and remedies for improper remuneration. - States and Medicaid programs: Would require monthly national acquisition‑cost surveys, ban spread pricing in State Medicaid contracts, and mandate pass‑through pricing with itemized reporting and penalties for false data. Would increase federal spending for implementation by about $336 million in FY2025 and fund ongoing oversight including a $9 million annual IG appropriation.
119-hr-2395, SHORT Act
Reclassifies short‑barreled rifles and shotguns under federal law and limits state oversight. The SHORT Act would change the Internal Revenue Code and Title 18 to treat certain short‑barreled weapons differently, create a federal safe harbor for people who comply with Chapter 44, preempt state taxes and registration rules, and require destruction of some National Firearms Registration and Transfer Record entries. - Owners who follow federal Chapter 44 rules would be regarded as meeting any state or local registration or licensing requirement for short‑barreled rifles and shotguns. - States and localities would be barred from imposing taxes other than general sales or use taxes, or from requiring markings, recordkeeping, or registration for short‑barreled rifles and shotguns that affect interstate commerce. - The Attorney General would have to destroy within 365 days certain NFRTR registrations and transfer and maker applications that identify owners or makers of those weapons.
119-hr-1262, Mikaela Naylon Give Kids a Chance Act
Speeds and strengthens pediatric cancer drug development. It expands which cancer products companies must study in children, reshapes organ transplant network governance and fees, and adds new FDA international and transparency steps. - Children with cancer and researchers: Requires pediatric studies that produce clinically meaningful data on dosing, safety, and early effectiveness and widens the kinds of drug combinations studied. It also sets aside $25 million for pediatric drug studies in each of fiscal years 2026, 2027, and 2028. - Transplant patients and transplant network members: Changes Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network governance and financing by allowing quarterly registration fees, requiring those fees fund OPTN operations, improving electronic health record integration, and calling for a GAO review within two years. - FDA partners and drug makers: Creates an Abraham Accords Office to boost regulatory coordination and technical assistance abroad, and forces more transparency during generic (ANDA) reviews about whether generics are qualitatively and quantitatively the same as listed drugs. It also raises the Medicare Improvement Fund amount from $1.4 billion to $2.6 billion. Increases federal outlays by roughly $1.3 billion, driven by a $1.2 billion boost to the Medicare Improvement Fund and $75 million for pediatric studies, adding to federal spending.
119-hr-21, Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act
Mandates care and penalties for infants born alive after an abortion. This bill would set standards of care, require reporting, create criminal penalties, and allow civil suits when an infant is born alive following an abortion. - Women and families: A woman on whom an abortion is performed may sue anyone who violates the law and recover objectively verifiable medical and psychological damages, punitive damages, and statutory damages equal to three times the cost of the abortion. Courts must award reasonable attorney's fees to prevailing plaintiffs and may award fees to defendants if a suit is frivolous. - Health care practitioners and facility employees: Any practitioner present at a birth resulting from an abortion must exercise the same professional skill, care, and diligence as for any other live-born infant of the same gestational age. Practitioners or employees who know of a failure to comply must immediately report the violation to appropriate State or Federal law enforcement. - Criminal and statutory consequences: Violators face fines, up to 5 years in prison, or both, and anyone who intentionally kills a born-alive infant is punished under the murder statute. The bill also updates chapter headings and adds statutory definitions for "abortion" and "attempt."
119-hr-10357, Digital Asset Tax Certainty Act
Tax certainty for digital assets by folding crypto into established tax rules and creating narrow exceptions and elections for payments, stablecoins, lending, reporting, and validation activities. - Retail users and small-payments users: Small network validation and transaction fees paid in crypto do not trigger gain or loss if they meet a de minimis test, generally capped at $10 per validation or $10 aggregate for certain brokerage fees and subject to volume limits like a 5,000-transfer threshold. - Traders, dealers, and funds: Dealers and traders can elect mark-to-market for covered digital assets and taxpayers may choose a simplified annual accounting method for designated widely traded assets, with gains and losses under that election treated as short-term. - Brokers, compliance, and IRS interactions: The bill expands broker reporting (Sec. 6045), adds backup-withholding-like rules for certain illiquid validation assets, and creates a Digital Asset Voluntary Disclosure Program with penalty tiers such as 25% and 40% for disclosed digital-asset deficiencies.
Surfaced from PRIA's policy knowledge graph, ranked by signal strength, connected by evidence.
Would block federal eminent domain for most agricultural land when a feasible alternative exists, defines covered land, and excludes tiny low‑income parcels.
- 47 U.S.C. § 151 et seq. — Communications Act of 1934: establishes the FCC and its jurisdiction over interstate and foreign communications by wire and radio; the foundational statute for all FCC regu
The Federal Communications Commission — an independent regulatory agency created by the Communications Act of 1934 47 U.S.C. § 151 and substantially restructured by the Telecommunications Act of 1996
The U.S. Department of Labor is revising its implementing regulations for Section 503 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as amended (Section 503). The revisions align the regulations with applicable law and recent executive orders, including Executive Order 14173, "Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity," and Executive Order 14219, "Ensuring Lawful Governance and Implementing the President's `Department of Government Efficiency' Deregulatory Initiative."
“Bill HR10135 contains provision HR10135::prov_1”
The War Powers Resolution 1973 — enacted over President Nixon's veto and codified at 50 U.S.C. §§ 1541–1548 — is Congress's primary statutory attempt to limit the President's ability to commit U.S. fo