All Roll Calls
Yes: 244 • No: 47
Sponsored By: Senator Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]
Passed Senate
This bill would _authorize FY2026 defense funding and sweeping national security reforms_. It bundles troop and ship authorizations with major acquisition, industrial‑base, nuclear security, export‑control, and housing and family benefit changes.
Personalized for You
Personalize government policy and PRIA will tell you what this bill means for your household, plus every other piece of legislation we track. PRIA reads each provision against your financial profile to show you exactly what matters to your wallet.
468 provisions identified: 338 benefits, 24 costs, 106 mixed.
If enacted, certain exposure‑related cancers would be presumed line‑of‑duty injuries for public safety officers when the exposure happened on duty, the officer had at least 5 years of service before diagnosis, and the diagnosis occurred within 15 years after last service. The rule would apply to qualifying death and disability claims tied to diagnoses or filings on or after January 1, 2020, and people could file within 3 years of enactment. The cancer list would be reviewed at least every 3 years, and petitions to add cancers would be sent to medical experts within 180 days.
If enacted, Social Security would share death data with the Do Not Pay system to prevent improper payments and help recover funds. SSA would notify agencies when someone is wrongly marked as deceased, and could not record a death without clear and convincing evidence. These changes would take effect December 27, 2026.
If enacted, TRICARE Prime and Select would cover fertility care for active‑duty members and dependents starting October 1, 2027. For IVF, at least three completed egg retrievals and unlimited embryo transfers would be covered when medically appropriate under medical‑society guidelines. The Defense Department would issue rules within one year to define covered services and terms.
If enacted, the rural Section 504 repair loan limit would rise to $15,000, with at least 60% of funds reserved for very low‑income applicants. For USDA‑guaranteed single‑family loans, owners of homes built before enactment could use rental income from a legal accessory dwelling unit to help qualify. The ADU must have separate entry and exit.
If enacted, low‑income renters in USDA‑financed rural properties would see stronger help. The government would be able to renew rental assistance for up to 20 years when loans are restructured or cannot be restructured. Your rental assistance would be kept in place during a foreclosure. More low‑income renters could get rural vouchers at properties prepaid, foreclosed, or with mortgages that matured after September 30, 2005. The bill would also ease transfers to nonprofit or public buyers who keep long‑term affordability and fix repairs over time, and apply uniform federal foreclosure procedures to USDA multifamily loans.
Eligible undergraduates who enlist in the Coast Guard Reserve could get up to $25,000 per academic year for up to five straight years for tuition and approved costs. You would need to be a U.S. citizen, meet age and clearance rules, attend a qualifying school, and usually be within 100 miles of a Coast Guard unit unless waived. You would sign a service agreement: three months of active duty per month of instruction in the first year and one month per month after, or at least three years, whichever is greater. Breach could lead to up to four years of active duty and repayment. The Commandant would brief Congress each year by August 15.
DoD would create special cyber jobs with faster hiring and higher pay; some could pay up to 150% of the top Executive Schedule Level I rate, with a two‑year probation and required reporting. By May 1, 2026, DoD would also launch a program to track and reskill Cyber Mission Force members moving to the reserves, help them shift to civilian jobs, and advertise vacancies and incentives. A pilot could pay skill bonuses to Cyber Mission Force members until September 30, 2030, and a briefing would be due by June 1, 2026.
If enacted, owners who join a voluntary program could get up to 50% of the cost to replace a covered cesium blood irradiator and up to 100% of the cost to remove and dispose of the old cesium source. The goal would be to end use of cesium chloride irradiators by December 31, 2027. Replacements must be FDA‑approved devices that reduce security risk, like x‑ray irradiators.
This bill would keep the U.S. ban on underground nuclear tests in place after September 30, 1996, unless a foreign state conducts a nuclear test after that date. It would also bar funds from being used to maintain the ability to do atmospheric nuclear tests.
If enacted, the Energy Department would keep and grow factories to support the nuclear stockpile. It would set pit production targets of 10 in 2025, 20 in 2026, 30 in 2027, 50 in 2029, and 80 each year by 2032. It would set site minimums of 30 pits at Los Alamos and 50 at Savannah River. Road shipments of weapons planned for the active stockpile after 2025 would need surety technologies, and warhead programs would need compatible designs. The surety requirements would end December 31, 2029.
If enacted, the U.S. could contribute up to $531.8 million to NATO’s Security Investment Program, plus any NATO repayments for past U.S.‑built projects. The bill would also authorize $350 million per year for 2026–2028 to strengthen Baltic defense cooperation, with reports and briefings required. Authority for the Baltic program would end December 31, 2030.
If enacted, the Energy Department would run programs to manage and modernize the stockpile, keep skills sharp, and avoid underground testing. It would add a readiness program in case a test ban is in place, including inspections and non‑explosive tests. Officials would assess each weapon type yearly, with reports due December 1, and forwardings to Congress by March 15 or briefings by March 30. The bill would authorize about $3.43 billion for FY2026 stockpile research, development, testing, and engineering.
The National Counterterrorism Center would be renamed to include counternarcotics. It would keep intelligence about domestic terrorism only as needed to support work on international terrorism, consistent with law and presidential direction. The renaming in statutes would take effect 30 days after enactment.
If enacted, Nuclear Security would, within 90 days, plan to speed up material staging and replace over‑used or aging facilities, with costs and phase details, and brief Congress within 180 days. Work would move alongside a high‑explosives modernization program, including continued construction of facility 21‑D‑510. Each production site could run engineering and manufacturing demo programs to test new tools, replace obsolete tech, and train workers. A new center would test and standardize security technologies, share lessons, support inspections, train security staff, and buy common security items in bulk.
If enacted, the Administrator would update a stockpile plan each year and send an unclassified summary by March 15 of even‑numbered years and a detailed report by March 15 of odd‑numbered years. The plan would list warhead numbers, ages, life‑extension work, and budgets. The enterprise would also meet pit‑production targets of at least 10 in 2024, 20 in 2025, 30 in 2026, and 80 by 2030, with annual certifications due by March 1 through 2030.
If enacted, the Energy Department would keep nuclear safety oversight independent from facility managers and assign qualified staff. National lab directors would have to tell Congress within 15 days if a rule could block safe stockpile work without explosive testing. The Energy Secretary would send DOE’s proposed budget to the Nuclear Weapons Council before OMB and attach the Council’s funding notes to Congress. DOE would also provide independent cost estimates at key phases, and for any new nuclear facility over $500,000,000, before major decisions, with reports due within 30 days of each milestone.
If enacted, NNSA and national security lab sites would be added to the list protected from drone threats. Starting April 15, 2025, citizens or agents of certain countries could not enter non‑public areas at specified DOE sites without a background review; a 30‑day congressional notice would be needed for any waiver. DOE would also have to prevent accidental release of Restricted Data by reviewing records, stopping automatic declassification that risks release, and setting page‑by‑page review and training plans.
If enacted, the W93 program would face step‑by‑step reports and briefings. After Phase 1, officials would report military needs, safety, workforce and facility impacts, and early production dates. Within 15 days of Phase 2 and Phase 3 approvals, the Administrator would brief Congress, including plans for independent expert reviews and certifications that the design fits schedule and cost goals. These steps could be waived only during a war declared by Congress after January 1, 2021.
If enacted, courts would be able to add years to sentences for murder‑for‑hire, kidnapping, stalking, and attacks on protected officials when done at the direction of a foreign government or agent. Increases range up to 10 years in most serious cases, with specific add‑ons for injury, weapons use, death, or victim age. This aims to deter foreign‑directed attacks and intimidation.
If enacted, DoD could accept specified construction projects in South Korea and Poland as in‑kind contributions. Listed projects range from about $6 million to $199 million, including runways, barracks, hospitals, fuel systems, and hangars. This would formalize those foreign‑funded projects under agreements with each country.
This bill would authorize about $52.55 billion for Army operations and maintenance in FY2026. It would also authorize Defense research, development, testing, and evaluation for FY2026 as listed in the bill’s table. These amounts would still require later appropriations.
This bill would authorize $282.83 million for the Cooperative Threat Reduction program in FY2026. It would fund areas like cooperative biological engagement ($137.686 million) and global nuclear security ($38.134 million). The money could be obligated across FY2026 through FY2028.
This bill would keep certain FY2023 military construction authorizations active until October 1, 2026, or until an FY2027 milcon law passes. It would raise the authorization for a Key West command‑and‑control facility from $90 million to $397 million. It would also extend and expand a greener building pilot to at least two projects, push deadlines to September 30, 2029 and January 1, 2029, and require each new project to use at least three GAO‑identified technologies.
If enacted, the Pentagon would fund base building and housing projects for the Army, Navy, Air Force, Guard and Reserve, and Defense Agencies. Examples include Davis‑Monthan AFB ($174 million), Tinker AFB ($497 million), Naval Base Norfolk ($1,582 million), and Sioux Gateway Airport for the Air National Guard ($148 million). These authorizations would take effect for fiscal years after September 30, 2025 and would generally expire on the later of October 1, 2028 or the FY2029 military construction law. Projects would follow the amounts in the bill’s funding table and stay within those caps.
If enacted, the bill would authorize large construction and energy-resilience projects at U.S. military bases. Examples include $124,000,000 at Cape Cod Space Force Station and major projects at Fort Wainwright, Naval Air Station Key West, and Joint Region Marianas. These authorizations would apply to fiscal years after September 30, 2025 and generally expire on or after October 1, 2028 unless funds are already obligated. It would also authorize funds for base realignment and closure projects under existing law.
If enacted, the bill would authorize about $193.9 billion for total military personnel in FY2026. It would also authorize about $12.85 billion for Medicare‑Eligible Retiree Health Care Fund contributions. These are authorization levels and would still depend on later appropriations.
If enacted, the cap for restoring or replacing damaged facilities would rise from $100 million to $150 million. A separate statutory threshold would rise from $300 million (1990 dollars) to $1 billion (2024 dollars). These changes allow larger projects to proceed under existing authorities.
If enacted, the bill would authorize about $35.0 billion for Atomic Energy Defense Activities for FY2026 and $6.961 billion for Defense Environmental Cleanup. It would create a Treasury account for defense cleanup funds that stay available until used. The Secretary of Energy would send a yearly, multi‑year cleanup plan with budgets and milestones for sites like Hanford, Savannah River, Oak Ridge, and others. It would also authorize specific FY2026 NNSA plant projects, such as $40 million for Sandia photolithography and $75 million for an East Side Office Building.
If enacted, authorizations for FY2026 would increase for several programs: about $341 million for high explosives and energetics, $3.832 billion for infrastructure and operations, and $2.032 billion for uranium and lithium work (including $150 million for a lithium facility and $830 million for a uranium facility). Tritium and defense fuels would be set at about $603 million. NNSA weapons activities would be authorized at about $21.832 billion. All amounts would still depend on later appropriations.
If enacted, DoD would expand a fund that can issue contracts, grants, investments, subsidies, and purchase commitments for up to 10 years. It would target many supply chains, from microelectronics to castings, shipbuilding, and power sources. The authorities would not be allowed in certain countries (including China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea). Annual reports and a coordination report would be required.
This bill would cap a federal corporation’s total contingent liability at $200 billion outstanding at any one time. The cap would apply to all extensions of liability under any authority.
If enacted, the Development Finance Corporation would create an Impact Quotient to measure project results and set up an Equity Investment Account with $3 billion authorized for 2026–2030. Earnings would stay in the fund, and at least 25% of obligations must be rated highly impactful. The Corporation would notify Congress about equity investments over $10 million and when it takes a subordinate creditor position. It would protect independent oversight staff and strengthen the Chief Risk Officer’s role, including removal only by a Board majority and direct reporting to the CEO.
If enacted, a review board could change an honorable Coast Guard discharge to general if clear and convincing evidence shows sexual assault or sexual harassment under specified UCMJ articles. This would not apply if the same downgrade was already considered before separation. The Commandant would start rulemaking within 90 days and final rules would take effect within 180 days after they are issued.
If enacted, it would be a crime to willfully enter closed or restricted intelligence community property without permission. A first offense could mean a fine or up to 6 months in jail, a second up to 2 years, and a third or later up to 5 years. Penalties would be higher if the person intended to gather intelligence against the United States.
If enacted, Energy Department defense programs would get less for IT and cybersecurity in FY2026. The authorized amount would drop from $811.208 million to $658.387 million. That is a $152.821 million cut. These amounts are authorizations and would still depend on later appropriations.
Graduating cadets and midshipmen who sign a professional or Olympic sports contract would be allowed to take that job. They would owe a five‑year service obligation while employed as a pro or Olympic athlete. If they stop playing and are eligible to return, they would serve five years on active duty. If they are not eligible to return, they would have to repay the cost of their education.
If enacted, high schools would have to allow at least four in‑person military recruiting events each year for students aged 17 and older. Schools would have to share names, grades, addresses, school emails, and phone numbers for these students within set timelines, even if FERPA would otherwise limit it. Recruiters would get the same campus access as colleges and other employers.
DoD could not consolidate a geographic combatant command using FY2026 funds until 90 days after sending Congress a detailed plan. Navy TAGOS ship funds would pause until a report is sent within 90 days. The Fort Cavazos project would shift to a vehicle maintenance shop and drop to $69 million. C‑130 inventory protections would extend to 2028, with reports due within 180 days and yearly through FY2028. The Army could not restructure certain commands until it reports to Congress. Up to 75% of OSD FY2026 travel funds would be held until many reports and Indo‑Pacific plans arrive. SOCOM funds for a Space Force component would pause until 30 days after a joint report.
If enacted, the Navy would have to submit a 30‑year shipbuilding plan with the FY2027 budget showing how it will keep 31 amphibious warfare ships. If the plan is missing, up to 75% of certain FY2026 Navy O&M funds could not be spent until it is submitted. If the Defense Secretary does not certify that the budget supports the requirement, up to 75% of certain FY2026 Defense‑Wide O&M funds could not be spent until compliant materials are submitted. The bill would also set active‑duty end strengths for September 30, 2026: Army 454,000; Navy 344,600; Marine Corps 172,300; Air Force 321,500; Space Force 10,400.
If enacted, the bill would add a new Atomic Energy Defense chapter to U.S. law, organizing many DOE/NNSA duties. It would set a $30,000,000 minor construction cutoff, with a process to adjust it to 2022 dollars. DOE would be allowed to run a global program to secure or remove dangerous nuclear and radiological materials. NNSA would report on infrastructure needs each year from February 15, 2026 through February 15, 2046. DOE staff and contractors who work near Restricted Data would need background checks that meet Atomic Energy Act section 145 standards.
If enacted, the Navy would be able to sign contracts starting in FY2026 to buy up to five Columbia‑class submarines. It would also be able to contract for up to 15 Medium Landing Ships during FY2026–FY2027, with 30‑day pre‑contract certifications. Future payments would depend on later appropriations.
This bill would authorize classified funding for intelligence programs in FY2026. The amounts would be set in a classified schedule shared with Congress and the President.
If enacted, the U.S. could lend or guarantee up to $1 billion in loans to the Philippines during FY2026–FY2030, with repayment within 17 years. It would also allow up to $500 million in grants each year for FY2026–FY2030. Any single loan guarantee could cover up to 80% of principal. Assistance under this section would end after September 30, 2035, and some fees and prior notifications would apply.
If enacted, the Army would get $1,250.473 million for lower‑tier air and missile defense and $741.034 million for small drones in FY2026. The bill would also allow up to $100 million for Arrow 3, $40 million for David’s Sling, and $60 million for Iron Dome co‑production with Israel, if technical milestones and matching terms are met. These funds would follow the bill’s conditions and oversight steps.
This bill would authorize 2026 funding for DOE defense cleanup, other defense work, and nuclear energy. It would set National Nuclear Security Administration funding at about $26.9 billion. It would also authorize about $2.83 billion for plutonium modernization, plus named warhead programs such as W80‑4 ($1.26 billion) and W93 ($781.8 million). These are authorizations and would still need appropriations before money is spent.
Major defense programs would need a plan for modular, open systems and must deliver data rights and interface files before contract closeout. DoD would build secure, searchable repositories for those interfaces and restrict any reuse without approval. Four years after the CIO sets standards, DoD could buy collaboration tools only if they meet those standards, with narrow exceptions and waivers. Each covered system would also get a product support manager to coordinate sustainment, use predictive tools, and prevent parts shortages, with new training and career paths.
This bill would tighten planning and oversight of big defense buys. The Air Force would file detailed B‑21 cost and progress charts with semiannual updates. The Defense Secretary could shift up to $6 billion among FY2026 authorizations and must use merit‑based awards tied to the bill’s funding tables. DoD would set minimum munitions production levels and report a critical stockpile plan within 180 days, then act on it. It would also push advanced manufacturing, aiming to qualify at least 1,000,000 parts by December 31, 2027, and allow the Office of Strategic Capital to charge cost‑recovery fees.
This bill would add new limits on buying certain tech and materials from foreign sources. DoD would phase in a ban on computers and printers from listed Chinese makers: 10% in FY2026, 25% in FY2027, 50% in FY2028, and 100% in FY2029, with some testing exceptions and no limits on cloud services or cell phones. Agencies would be blocked from buying biotech gear or services from “biotechnology companies of concern” once OMB lists them, with narrow waivers and exceptions. It would also clarify a ban on contracts for covered materials mined or refined in certain nations and bar DoD from directly buying solar panels and inverters from “foreign entities of concern,” with tight waivers and short‑term combat and intel exceptions. At the same time, it would repeal a prior PFOS/PFOA procurement ban, which would loosen one existing restriction.
If enacted, exports of certain advanced chips and products would need a U.S. license. For some countries, applicants would have to give U.S. buyers a right‑of‑first‑refusal with at least 15 business days’ notice. The President would get authority to block property and transactions of named foreign persons under national security rules. The government would craft a plan to move supply chains away from China and fund outreach at $150 million a year for two years, with some direct hiring to staff it.
If enacted, future DoD contracts for covered equipment would have to include Instructions for Continued Operational Readiness (ICOR), and DoD could withhold payment until ICOR is accepted. These rules would apply to contracts signed one year after enactment. Each military department would set up a panel to review expedited supplier approvals within 14 days and allow 12‑month conditional approvals. Contractors who promptly self‑report certain supply issues could get a temporary waiver to allow acceptance and payment if there is no safety or security risk. That waiver authority would end January 1, 2027.
If enacted, dependents of a Coast Guard member assigned to Unalaska, Alaska would get command sponsorship when the member asks. Members serving in Alaska would get airfare reimbursed to their home of record if an officer above O‑5 approves, through December 31, 2026 or later if a related authority lasts longer. Pregnant Coast Guard officers could receive a cash allowance to buy maternity uniform items when they are not issued. Active‑duty members would also get access to lawyers who specialize in guardianship transfers in every state with a base.
If enacted, the $300,000 cap on compensatory damages in cases of retaliatory security‑clearance revocations would be removed. People who win such claims could receive higher damage awards.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would refresh misconduct prevention policy within 180 days and strengthen review and recusal rules for members who report misconduct. Evidence for rape and sexual assault would be kept at least 50 years, with clear access for victims and the VA and required privacy protections. Protective order policies would be updated within 180 days, with written reasons for any denial and conflict‑of‑interest recusals. Commanders would have to review documented misconduct histories when assigning or moving members, and the law would define which offenses count as covered misconduct. The Coast Guard would also set procedures to review former members’ records for civilian hiring.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would set a victim care policy within 180 days. Alleged victims would get timely care, an in‑person handoff to providers if needed, follow‑up services, and staff trained to professional standards. The Coast Guard would also create a "safe‑to‑report" policy within 90 days after the Coast Guard Authorization Act of 2025. It would limit penalties for minor collateral misconduct by victims or witnesses who report sexual assault and track those cases anonymously.
If enacted, DoD would check for PFAS at covered bases and treat sites with fire training pits as having a release. DoD would consider quick fixes like bottled water, well connections, and filters. Results would be open for at least 60 days for EPA, states, tribes, and the public. An initial report would be due within 270 days and a final report within one year. DoD would also report by February 1, 2026 on plans to replace PFAS firefighting foams with graphite oxide-based foams, including testing, barriers, and a rollout timeline.
If enacted, $514 million would be authorized for the CIA Retirement and Disability Fund for FY2026. The bill would also authorize $77 million from the Armed Forces Retirement Home Trust Fund to operate the Armed Forces Retirement Home in FY2026.
If enacted, DoD would expand exposure records to include all hazards and related medical encounters, including exposures in the United States. DoD and VA clinicians, researchers, and VA disability staff would be able to use these records. Service files would note service at places with potential toxic exposure while keeping classified locations private.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would set up a Behavioral Health Technician Pilot within 270 days at clinics serving high‑tempo units. Assigned technicians would be trained and provide services, education, and fast referrals, with yearly reports. Within one year, the Coast Guard would also require overdose‑reversal medicine (like naloxone) at each clinic, unit, and cutter, and join an overdose‑tracking system.
If enacted, Kwajalein Atoll would be designated remote and isolated within 30 days, and Creech Air Force Base would also be designated. Unaccompanied members on certain overseas tours of 24 months or more would get government‑funded travel home or to a comparable‑cost location. The Air Force and Defense Health Agency would assess behavioral and social health for members and families at Creech and brief Congress by March 1, 2026.
If enacted, the Nevada Test and Training Range would be classified as a contamination site. The Air Force would identify people stationed there since January 27, 1951. Individuals could submit documents, and the Air Force would still try to identify them even without proof from the member.
If enacted, reentry grants could pay for substance use disorder treatment, including peer recovery help, case management, and overdose reversal medications. Grants could also fund reentry housing services. The program would be authorized for 2026 through 2030.
If enacted, the VA would start telehealth and mail‑order pharmacy for qualifying veterans in the Freely Associated States within one year, and begin beneficiary travel payments within one year. VA and DoD would tell enrolled veterans each year about getting care at military hospitals, train VA schedulers on DoD referrals, and deliver action plans in 90 days with a follow‑up a year later. Some eligible veterans would be able to get certain services at military hospitals without a VA referral, with DoD reimbursed. Any proposed service cuts at a military hospital would need top endorsements and a plan showing how patients would keep getting care. The joint DoD–VA medical facility fund would be extended to September 30, 2027.
If enacted, program timing would change from 2 months to 30 days in one reference. Survivors would be entitled to all death benefits under chapter 75 and could receive travel pay for family to attend repatriation, burial, or memorial events. Participants would be eligible for general VA benefits. Victims of alleged sex‑related offenses would keep access to Coast Guard behavioral health, victim support, and legal help, including special victims’ counsel when practicable.
The federal definition of a manufactured home would include factory‑built homes with or without a permanent chassis. This could change which homes qualify for financing, insurance, and safety rules, affecting buyers and lenders.
If enacted, DoD would create a new office within one year to manage household goods moves. Rules would be published within 30 days and Congress briefed within 60 days. For the global household‑goods contract, contractors would face more oversight: real‑time data access for DoD, audit rights, clearer subcontractor terms, monthly ratings, and a fixed monthly overhead line separate from move costs.
GAO would study Coast Guard housing allowance setting within 90 days after DoD issues its review. It would find duty spots where BAH is under 95% of adequate housing costs and review methods used. The Commandant would have one year after the report to submit an action plan or explain why recommendations are declined.
If enacted, housing help would move faster for Section 8 and Continuum of Care (CoC) renters. Units that passed certain federal inspections in the last 12 months would count for Section 8, and remote checks could be used in rural or small areas. CoC grantees could pre‑inspect up to 60 days before leasing and use video checks in rural or small areas. CoC funds would be able to pay up to six months of back rent and utility bills, and grantees could count eligible program income toward required matches. HUD could offer two‑year CoC funding notices, with automatic second‑year awards unless a project underperforms.
If enacted, HUD would start a Whole‑Home Repairs pilot within one year. Low‑income owner‑occupants (at or below 80% of area median income) could get grants for major repairs not covered elsewhere, up to limits set by HUD. Small landlords with mostly affordable units could get loans that may be forgiven after three years if they follow the agreement. The pilot would end October 1, 2031.
If enacted, HUD would offer competitive grants to improve resident‑owned manufactured housing communities that are affordable to households at or below 120% of area median income. Funds could pay for infrastructure, services, and replacement of pre‑1976 units with homes that meet federal standards. HUD may set aside funds for tribes and allow certain waivers.
If enacted, local recipients could ask HUD to waive a McKinney‑Vento spending cap for funds provided in FY2026–FY2029. Requests must include a needs plan and public input. HUD would post requests online and decide within 60 days. Waivers would be denied if recipients relocate people without offering real housing options.
The Army would be authorized to build or buy family housing, including $145.042 million at Chievres Air Base and $50.692 million at Army Garrison Bavaria, plus up to $32.824 million for planning and design. DoD could do one unaccompanied housing project at a joint medical training base, up to $500 million total. The Coast Guard could buy existing private or HUD‑held family housing instead of building new units, with a five‑year waiver of floor‑area limits. The Coast Guard could also accept private payments for real estate admin costs, and GAO would review prior housing fixes within one year.
If enacted, service members could receive housing counseling from HUD‑certified groups, including on mortgages, leases, and fees. For veterans, certain VA disability payments would not count as income when checking eligibility to rent some HUD‑assisted units or for supported housing under section 8(o)(19). FHA comparison disclosures for VA‑backed loans would use prevailing interest rates.
If enacted, up to $50 million each year could be set aside to lend to certified Native CDFIs so they can make single‑family mortgages to tribal members, with priority for borrowers on priority Tribal land. Native CDFIs usually must match 20% of each loan, but that match would be waived for loans to member households. The bill also authorizes $1 million per year for outreach in FY2025–FY2027.
HUD could add up to 25 high‑performing housing agencies to a new Moving to Work cohort after an initial report. Large agencies with more than 27,000 units or vouchers would be excluded, and selection would favor agencies serving families with children and youth leaving foster care. HUD must keep cohort research public for at least 5 years and report within 180 days, then yearly. Waivers would be limited to those already codified as of January 2025, with listed exceptions not allowed.
If enacted, USDA would run a program to preserve and revitalize multifamily rentals under sections 514, 515, or 516, including loan restructuring and rental aid renewals. The law would permanently add this program to Title V and set rulemaking steps (notice within 180 days and an interim final rule within one year). USDA would also send yearly notices to owners of covered rural properties maturing within four years, listing options to extend loans or separate rental assistance.
If enacted, the Rental Assistance Demonstration would continue beyond past limits. HUD could require a tenant lease and management addendum for converted properties. HUD would publish yearly findings on impacts and could enforce against material violations, while keeping existing tenant rights.
If enacted, the CFPB would study how points‑and‑fees limits affect mortgages under $100,000 and report on loan officer pay within 270 days. After that, CFPB could change rules so small‑dollar mortgages are easier to originate and so pay is not lower than for other loans.
HUD would run a pilot with up to 25 groups to set up interest‑bearing escrow accounts for up to 5,000 Section 8 or 9 families. The account would save the part of rent that rises due to earned‑income gains. Families over 80% of area median income at enrollment would not accrue escrow. HUD would pick groups within 18 months, start accounts within 6 months after selection, and end the pilot 10 years after enactment. Families could withdraw funds after meeting timing rules, such as after 5–7 years or when assistance ends.
If enacted, landlords of privatized military housing would be barred from asking tenants, former tenants, or applicants to sign nondisclosure agreements. Landlords would have to disclose liability insurance levels and amounts paid to tenants in dispute resolutions. DoD would have to include civilians and contractors in base housing market studies and carry out GAO housing recommendations within one year, with updates at least every two years.
Homeowners with USDA Section 502 loans would be able to refinance or modify their loan term, with a total term capped at 40 years from the change date. When a Section 502 guaranteed loan is assumed by an approved eligible borrower during a property transfer, the original borrower would be released from liability.
If enacted, your mortgage lender would have to offer one formal request to review the value or get a new appraisal before closing or within 60 days of a denial. Lenders would first review the appraisal themselves and give you written steps and a standard form. You could list up to five comparable homes. The bill defines unacceptable appraisal practices that lenders must avoid.
If enacted, enlisted food allowance (BAS) would match the USDA liberal food plan set each October 1. The monthly BAS would not drop below last year’s rate. If you pay a monthly meal deduction, your BAS would be reduced by that deduction. The bill would also extend many military bonus and special‑pay authorities through December 31, 2026.
DoD would run a five‑year pilot to pay monthly incentives to certain enlisted members with under four years of service who hold a degree in their specialty and agree to reenlist. The Secretary would decide aviation incentive pay details and begin Reserve aviation payments by January 1, 2027. Current or former service members who teach JROTC for at least one academic year could get a one‑time bonus up to $10,000.
Within 120 days, the Coast Guard would start a sea duty tuition pilot. If you sign an agreement and complete a sea tour, your education service obligation would drop by one year and your tuition cap could double for the same period. The pilot would end six years after it starts and require annual reports. The Coast Guard would also offer yearly training on small uncrewed maritime systems for three years, and a yearly course on how Congress works with at least 60% outside experts; recent completers of similar training would be exempt.
DoDEA schools would have to offer at least one college admissions test to every 11th grader and give it if the student accepts. Parents would be able to choose a test the Secretary allows. The bill would set aside $50 million in FY2026 for local schools with many military kids, $10 million for students with severe disabilities, and $20 million for districts with higher concentrations of military children with severe disabilities. A briefing on how funds are targeted would be due by September 30, 2026.
The Coast Guard would be able to hire for critical roles without the usual competitive rules when there is a shortage or urgent need; this authority would end September 30, 2030 and require yearly briefings. The Coast Guard would also offer recruitment, relocation, and retention bonuses for civilian firefighters at designated remote stations, with annual reports for five years.
If enacted, Defense Civilian Training Corps members could get one‑year DoD term jobs without normal competitive hiring, renewable for up to four years. Up to 60 graduates each year could be appointed noncompetitively into GS‑9 level (or equivalent) roles. The authority would end December 31, 2029, and reports to Congress would start January 31, 2026.
Within one year, DoD would create a path to place medically disqualified entry‑level recruits into civilian DoD jobs. DoD would also give medically disqualified applicants referrals to defense‑related jobs, apprenticeships, and training. The services would identify barriers that block medics from getting civilian health jobs and report a plan within 180 days. A senior official would be named within 90 days to lead transition policy. DoD would set priority rules for assigning medical staff, and the Defense Health Agency could reassign medics if a service does not comply.
If enacted, the Defense Department would identify child care gaps and support eligible providers to fill them. It would be able to fund training, offer pay incentives, and place national‑service participants at military child development centers. This could increase available slots and help stabilize costs for military families.
If enacted, agencies would be able to use this bill’s funds to cover any pay or benefit raises that are authorized by law. Overtime pay for eligible State Department protective staff would be extended through 2027. The waiver that lets agencies ignore annual premium‑pay caps for overseas civilians would be extended through 2026. Civilian allowances for work in combat zones would be extended through 2027. Members of the U.S. Public Health Service would receive federal leave under Chapter 40.
DOE would run fellowships for U.S. graduate students and postdocs in nuclear security fields who agree to work at least one year if offered a job. National security labs could hire students and create a retiree corps to train staff and preserve knowledge. The Energy Secretary could create up to 200 technical jobs tied to defense nuclear safety with pay up to Executive Schedule Level III through September 30, 2026. Contractors at Los Alamos and Savannah River could fund curriculum, equipment, and scholarships to prepare people for plutonium pit production jobs.
The Development Finance Corporation would offer paid internships to U.S. students enrolled at least half‑time. If your permanent U.S. address is more than 50 miles away, the agency could help with housing and would pay a single round‑trip for far or overseas internships. Paid internships would be funded from the Corporate Capital Account.
If enacted, DoD could not use this bill’s funds to cut public shipyard jobs through December 31, 2029. The rule covers listed trades like welders, pipefitters, mechanics, engineers, and more, while still allowing actions for misconduct or poor performance. Navy Supervisor of Shipbuilding jobs would get direct‑hire authority, and the Navy would report yearly on hiring results.
DOE would create a whistleblower program for defense employees and contractor workers. It would ban retaliation for protected disclosures, allow complaints to the Office of Hearings and Appeals, and require remedies if reprisals are found. DOE would report on investigations each year.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would update prevention and response training on misconduct, with annual training starting within 1 year and other modules due within 18–24 months. Members who were sexually assaulted in the last 5 years would be able to request a medical exam for PTSD, TBI, or other mental health conditions. A member who reports a sex‑related offense could request a temporary separation within five years of the offense; policy updates would be due within 180 days. The Secretary could review whether to waive bonus repayments for such separations.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would set a fast transfer process for victims of sexual assault or domestic violence within 180 days, with conflict‑of‑interest recusals and annual reports. Family leave would expand to reserve members and cover adoption and long‑term foster care, with delayed use allowed when duty or schooling would otherwise cause you to lose the leave. The Coast Guard would add at least five behavioral health specialists within 180 days, and at least 35% would have MST/PTSD expertise; care could include telemedicine.
USDA would be able to restructure multifamily rural housing loans to keep buildings safe and affordable. Changes could include lowering or removing interest, deferring payments, changing or subordinating debt, offering other financial help, and in limited cases removing units from income limits after long vacancies.
If enacted, firms that meet the 'nontraditional defense contractor' definition would be exempt from certain DFARS clauses, 10 U.S.C. 3702, and FAR Part 31 cost rules. The bill would raise key cost/pricing thresholds to $10 million (from $2 million) and to $2 million (from $750,000), and update a date to June 30, 2026. DoD would also consider equitable adjustments on new classified fixed‑price contracts when insurance is unavailable, and update DFARS within 120 days. Special‑purpose Coast Guard facility agreements could run up to 30 years, and new facility types (including child care and medical) would be allowed.
If enacted, the government would be barred from capping reimbursement of pay and benefits for NNSA contractors and certain FFRDC employees unless Congress passes a law. Indemnification requests under Public Law 85‑804 would get Defense Contract Management Agency input, including insurance market checks, and a final decision with a signed memo within 90 days. Agencies would be encouraged to delegate authority for advanced nuclear energy system contracts to speed decisions.
If enacted, DoD could use mobile disposal systems to destroy seized contraband and hazardous items and share them with bases and partner forces. Open‑air burn pits would be banned for contraband, classified gear, and hazardous waste.
If enacted, agencies would follow three clear triggers for Iran reporting: any uranium‑235 enriched over 60% purity, significant enrichment activity, or a decision to build a weapon from highly enriched uranium.
If enacted, DoD would form a working group by June 1, 2026 to build a common data ontology, issue policy by June 1, 2027, and oversee implementation by June 1, 2028. Within 180 days, DoD would also start a public‑private group to address cybersecurity and physical risks to advanced AI, with annual reports until December 1, 2030. A task force would launch by April 1, 2026 to set up virtual AI sandboxes, brief Congress by August 1, 2026, and end January 1, 2030.
If enacted, DoD would set up an Economic Defense Unit to coordinate economic competition work, plan budgets, and brief Congress quarterly and annually. State and Treasury would create a joint China economics intelligence cell within 90 days and publish an unclassified report within 180 days. The Secretary would also deliver, within 180 days, a strategy to work with allies to block spread of prohibited tech, with annual reports for four years.
If enacted, NNSA would follow the 2021 plan for plutonium pit aging, run reviews every two years through December 31, 2030, and seek a JASON assessment by 2030. By October 1, 2031, NNSA would certify whether milestones are met or explain delays and new dates. Congress would receive biennial briefings during this period.
If enacted, DoD would require full content inspection across networks and add AI to a pilot by December 1, 2026. DoD would list remaining networks to ensure coverage. DoD would brief Congress by November 1, 2026 and then yearly through December 31, 2028 on deployment and surveys.
If enacted, the Defense Department would be barred from developing or helping to develop voting technology or voting methods for federal or state elections.
If enacted, Defense would set up a Joint Program Office within 180 days to coordinate non‑programs‑of‑record for partners, speed approvals, work with industry, and brief Congress 30 days after it starts. Defense and State would also seek, by March 1, 2026, a joint program with Taiwan for uncrewed and counter‑uncrewed systems, including co‑development and co‑production, and report progress within 180 days and yearly through 2029.
Within 90 days, the DNI would set a policy to speed declassifying and sharing biotech threat information. The plan would cover sharing with allies, private partners, and other federal agencies. The DNI would report progress in one year and then yearly for two years.
If enacted, DoD would clarify interagency roles for building biodefense capacity abroad and give DTRA authority to support allied biodefense worldwide. The Secretary of Defense would deliver a biotechnology strategy by June 1, 2026. The plan would cover biomanufacturing networks, updated military specs, advance market commitments, and NATO coordination.
If enacted, any removal of the Aegis Guam Combat System from the Indo‑Pacific command area would have to follow law and Joint Chiefs procedures. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs would notify Congress within 10 days after a removal begins.
If enacted, an independent commission would start on January 5, 2026 to assess the defense strategy, force posture, readiness, and budgets. It would brief Congress within 180 days and deliver a final report within one year.
If enacted, many prior‑year military construction authorizations would stay in force longer. FY2022 energy projects and FY2023 Guard and Reserve projects would remain authorized until October 1, 2026, or until a FY2027 authorization law is passed. The Iwakuni fuel pier ($33.2 million) would also stay authorized through October 1, 2026. Depot Working Capital Fund authority for minor construction would extend to September 30, 2027. The Army’s temporary equine‑welfare land‑acquisition authority would extend to August 1, 2026, with a briefing due by February 20, 2026.
If enacted, from FY2026 through FY2030 the Joint Chiefs would include offensive and defensive electronic warfare in top‑tier joint exercises. Exercises would use opposing forces based on current electromagnetic intelligence, with limited waivers allowed. The Chairman would brief Congress each year with the President’s budget.
If enacted, NSA would be allowed to share intelligence products with Congress and federal agencies. The DNI would be able to set short‑term intelligence task forces; if one lasts over 60 days, Congress would be notified, and they would end within 540 days after the work ends. The DNI would release a declassified report on COVID‑19 research tied to the Wuhan Institute within 180 days. If a credible, specific Iran‑linked threat is found, the FBI would warn the target within 48 hours and also publish an unclassified case‑count report within 30 days and every year. The CIA would plan within 90 days to share intelligence on foreign influence in Sudan, and State would deliver a 90‑day plan to counter foreign information manipulation while protecting First Amendment rights.
If enacted, DoD would give more detailed quarterly reports when it supports counterdrug or transnational organized crime work, including budgets, timelines, milestones, planned spending, sustainment, objectives, and three years of history. DoD would not support detention at military or DoD‑funded facilities unless the Secretary verifies the person’s link to drug or organized crime before transfer.
If enacted, DoD would report each year on PFAS cleanup funding and status at every site, post a public dashboard within one year, and deliver a cleanup‑acceleration strategy within 180 days. The dashboard would list funding, milestones, timelines, and community contacts and update at least twice a year. DOE would also publish, each budget season, a site‑by‑site report of prior‑year defense cleanup spending and any schedule changes.
The Defense Secretary would provide intelligence support to Ukraine for operations to defend and retake its internationally recognized land, including Crimea and occupied regions. The Departments of Justice and State would help Ukraine investigate child abductions and fund medical, psychological, and reintegration services. The State Department would brief Congress within 30 days of providing help and report within 60 days on planned programs.
If enacted, the Army could build or buy property for the Guard and Reserve using funds in the bill. Listed projects include $55,000,000 for Joint Forces Headquarters–Guam and $90,000,000 for Albany, NY. Other examples include $28,000,000 for Maxwell Gunter, AL and $46,000,000 for Joint Base Elmendorf‑Richardson, AK.
If enacted, the Secretary would name a senior biotech official within 90 days and create a Biotechnology Management Office within 120 days. The office would run the Defense Biotechnology Strategy, streamline rules, back partnerships, and brief Congress. Its authority would end September 30, 2035.
U.S. intelligence leaders would, within 60 days, detail ties with Mexican counterparts, risks, and ways to work together against drug cartels. The Director of National Intelligence would give Congress an action plan within 180 days. The State Department would send a full security assistance strategy for Mexico within 180 days. It would include plans to dismantle drug networks, build border and police capacity, and track milestones. Annual briefings would follow.
If enacted, the Defense Secretary would cancel existing DoD NEPA directives and issue one uniform NEPA directive within 120 days. The Secretary would name an official within 90 days to run the new directive. The new directive would follow updated guidance from the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023.
If enacted, the bill would block funds from being used to drop U.S. troop levels in South Korea below 28,500. It would also pause the wartime command handover. The pause would last until 90 days after DoD sends Congress a required certification and assessment.
If enacted, U.S. Transportation Command would take the lead for planning and fixing risks in contested logistics after a recommended transfer date. It would brief Congress within 180 days and deliver a full gap‑assessment report with recommendations within one year. Each combatant commander would also include land and space sensor and counter‑unmanned‑system needs in the information sent with each year’s President’s budget.
If enacted, DoD would review cyber force employment and personnel policies by June 1, 2026 and send a report by September 1, 2026; until then, no more than 90% of certain FY2026 O&M funds for the ASD for Cyber Policy could be used. DoD would also craft a strategy to deter cyberattacks on defense‑critical infrastructure, give an interim briefing by March 1, 2026, a final briefing and report by June 1, 2026, and complete the strategy by December 1, 2026. A Mission Infrastructure Resilience Task Force would start within 180 days to find vulnerabilities, assign fixes, run exercises, and sunset on September 30, 2030 with transition briefings through 2033.
Within 240 days, the DNI would identify intelligence sites that could use secure advanced nuclear power (1 to 100 MW). The plan would aim to start deployment at a site within three years after enactment, address licensing and possible grid connection, and ensure fuel is free of certain export obligations.
If enacted, the Defense Secretary would report within 180 days on how to protect Taiwan’s critical digital networks under invasion or blockade. The report would list possible DoD actions and needed resources, and draw lessons from Ukraine. A briefing to defense committees would follow within 30 days.
If enacted, the Defense Department would not be able to close or disable Army depots, arsenals, ammunition plants, or similar facilities unless a similar or replacement site already exists and Congress authorizes it. The Secretary could pause operations for imminent health, safety, or major environmental hazards with a report in 15 days. A national security waiver would require 30 days’ prior notice and detailed justification. The Army would report in 120 days and yearly for five years on plans and investments.
If enacted, NNSA would send a security report and certification for Category I and II nuclear sites by September 30 of every even‑numbered year and include fixes if a site cannot be certified. DOE would notify Congress within 15 days after serious nuclear incidents and keep a database of those events. DOE would be able to track, seize, or disable hostile drones at covered nuclear facilities. At the Savannah River Site, DOE would carry out a multi‑year cleanup plan and, if it saves money and speeds removal, speed up turning high‑level waste into glass; it would also modernize tritium facilities. DOE would create a nationwide defense‑radioactive‑waste disposal plan within 15 months, start a Federal‑State forum within 18 months, and report to Congress within two years.
If enacted, DoD would assess funding to speed many missile‑defense efforts, including expanding Next Generation Interceptor (NGI) production and silos, possibly up to 80 interceptors. If money is provided, NGI testing and initial fielding would be done by January 1, 2028. The Air Force could also run a 3‑year pilot to use drones to resupply ICBM launch sites, with FAA consultation, demo flights, and annual reports.
If enacted, the Air Force would keep some operational KC‑135 tankers as KC‑46s arrive. Retained aircraft would go to wings that can staff and train for them.
If enacted, the Director of National Intelligence would submit a plan in 180 days to speed acquisitions at each intelligence agency. The plan would prefer commercial solutions where practical, list major planned buys, and be sent to intelligence and appropriations committees.
If enacted, accredited foreign personnel from covered nations would need travel approval at least 2 business days before certain trips. The Secretary of State would share requests with the DNI and FBI right away and certify within 10 days that travelers are not known or suspected intelligence officers. The bill would also update foreign‑agent rules, define “informational material,” require the foreign principal’s country in filings, and require clear labels on materials sent to U.S. officials or the public.
This bill would tighten Coast Guard oversight and safety work. The Coast Guard could set inspection frequency for foreign ships based on safety records, but only after a GAO review shows safety is at least equal to yearly exams. It would allow bonuses to recruit marine inspectors. It would require a report in 120 days and updates every 90 days on the Polar Security Cutter program. Within one year, the Coast Guard would set a policy to disrupt drug smuggling at sea, including seizing illegal vessels. The Coast Guard would join DoD’s CATCH program within 60 days and add a senior O‑6 legal advisor. An outside assessment of mission capability would be ordered, with a Commandant response due 90 days after the study.
If enacted, DoD would have to notify Congress within 30 days after key changes or incidents involving protection of operational‑security personal data; that change‑notice rule would end five years after enactment. DoD would create an AI oversight team by June 1, 2026, set leads by January 1, 2027, finish a standard assessment framework by June 1, 2027, and assess major AI systems by January 1, 2028. The DoD CIO would review the security of collaboration tools within four years after setting standards and report results to Congress within 30 days of each review. DoD would also study how to add real‑time cyber monitoring to weapon systems and report by January 1, 2027.
If enacted, the Coast Guard could make agreements to protect cultural and natural resources at its bases, acquire property with owner consent, and improve tribal spill‑response participation within 180 days. DHS could buy maritime surveillance systems for San Diego, San Juan, Key West, and Station South Padre Island if funds are provided and a joint security study finds no negative impact. NOAA would publish a public list of foreign IUU‑fishing vessels and owners, give owners 90 days to respond, and use $10,000,000 per year for 2025–2030. DoD would also convene an undersea‑cable security group by March 1, 2026 and deliver a report and strategy by February 1, 2027.
If enacted, many intelligence offices would run yearly surveys on analytic objectivity and report results to Congress. Intelligence AI policies would apply to public AI models used in classified systems, with common testing standards and higher bars for high‑impact uses; guidance on high‑impact definitions would be due within 30 days. Intelligence staff would be barred from pressuring vendors to bias models. The Air Force would provide weather and environmental services for intelligence operations.
If enacted, the Election Assistance Commission would add penetration testing to voting system certification within 180 days and accept results from accredited labs. A 5‑year pilot would let vetted researchers test election systems and report bugs confidentially for 180 days. Vendors would have 180 days to deliver fixes for critical or high issues, and the Commission would review patches within 90 days or they are deemed certified. Disclosed issues would be sent to CISA for the CVE database within 180 days.
If enacted, NNSA could not change requirements after a key approval if it raises costs by more than the lesser of $5,000,000 or 15% unless the Administrator certifies and waits 15 days after sending an analysis to Congress. DOE would face caps on program obligations without a 30‑day notice to Congress. New starts or obligations could not proceed on projects that exceed the higher of the authorization or budget estimate by more than 25% without a 30‑day notice. DOE would also complete cost‑overrun notices and reviews before certain phases.
DOE and NNSA safety reviews would use national standards and, where data allow, probabilistic risk assessment to support decisions. Labs must quickly report any issue that affects nuclear weapon safety; NNSA would send it to top leaders within 10 days and include it in annual stockpile reports. For major warhead refurbishments, DOE would report alternatives, costs, risks, and schedules at Phase 6.3. The bill would authorize $45 million for the Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board in FY2026. DOE would set cleanup performance metrics within one year and report every two years until 2036. DOE could use certain funds for minor construction, but must report annually, notify Congress before projects over $5 million, and explain any cost overruns.
If enacted, the President would be able to sanction people who knowingly help opioid trafficking or provide major support. This would apply to actions on or after the BUST FENTANYL Act’s enactment.
If enacted, the President could treat weapons seized en route from Iran to the Houthis as U.S. stocks and provide them to partners under drawdown rules, with reports due in 180 days and yearly. The U.S. would also drop approval requirements for transfers of mobile rocket artillery articles or services between Baltic countries, and must modify existing agreements if asked by a Baltic state.
If enacted, criminal bans on sharing certain defense images would clearly include video. This would take effect upon enactment.
If enacted, DoD would be able to use cost‑effective, approved technologies to destroy PFAS chemicals. DoD would update its PFAS disposal guidance. This could speed cleanup at contaminated sites and lower health risks for nearby families.
If enacted, Commerce, with other agencies, would create and publish a strategy that uses U.S. data to spot seafood caught with forced labor on foreign vessels. The plan would be posted on a public website to help importers and consumers avoid such products.
If enacted, DOE would start a program to monitor workers exposed to hazardous or radioactive materials, with a focus on defense nuclear sites. Award‑fee reviews for defense nuclear facilities would check emergency preparedness every even‑numbered year. DOE would add management training on performance, environmental law, planning, and cleanup technology. DOE would also train lab exchange teams to protect classified information and build a pool of staff to counter espionage during sensitive travel.
If enacted, waterfront safety rules would cover cyber incidents, organized crime, and foreign state threats. The government could bar visitors from governments that repeatedly supported terrorism from entering certain secure port facilities. Operating a boat in a grossly negligent way would be a class A misdemeanor, and if it causes serious injury it would be a class E felony with a civil fine up to $35,000.
If enacted, the Bureau of Justice Assistance would publish trauma kit performance standards within 180 days. Grant funds could buy only kits that meet the standards, or grantees could assemble compliant kits. Minimum parts would include a TCCC‑recommended tourniquet, bleeding control bandage, nonlatex gloves and a marker, blunt‑ended scissors, Stop the Bleed instructions, and a container. The Bureau would also issue best practices for training, use, and maintenance.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would be added to the special‑victim framework and must report and brief Congress on plans and needs. U.S. foreign aid would, when possible, build in protections against trafficking in persons. The national strategy on child exploitation would be expanded to require trend analyses, plans, resource estimates, and reviews of task forces and training.
If enacted, DoD would identify and prioritize personal data tied to operational security. That data could not be stored on non‑DoD servers unless covered by a DoD contract or, for personnel data, allowed by the person. Any waiver would need a written certification that it does not risk national security and is necessary. DoD would review and update guidance by June 1, 2026.
If enacted, some Coast Guard authorized levels would rise, including 2,500 to 3,000 and 1,200 to 1,300 for listed categories. The Coast Guard’s minor construction threshold would also increase from $1.5 million to $2 million. These changes support staffing and speed smaller facility projects.
If enacted, DoD aircraft that operate near commercial airports would carry position‑broadcast equipment and follow standard procedures to use it. DoD would share near‑miss and mishap data with the FAA. An initial near‑miss report would be due within 180 days covering the past 10 years, followed by annual reports through 2030.
If enacted, HUD would have strict timelines to act after disasters. HUD would decide if a disaster is “catastrophic” within 90 days, or 120 days if data are lacking, and announce grants right away if money is available, or within 15 days after new funds arrive. HUD could give preliminary grants up to $5,000,000 before a full determination to pay for planning, needs checks, and fraud prevention. States and localities would be allowed to adopt prior federal environmental reviews and get funds released immediately. HUD would also create an Office of Disaster Management and Resiliency to coordinate FEMA, SBA, and local partners and help families move from shelters to permanent homes.
If enacted, anti‑trafficking program authorizations for FY2026–2030 would be set at $17 million and $102.5 million for two key categories. Funding for programs to end modern slavery would be capped at $37.5 million per year. These authorizations guide future grants and program support.
If enacted, communities that host Coast Guard installations could apply for Defense Community Infrastructure grants, with the Coast Guard Commandant’s concurrence. For two years after enactment, DoD would prioritize certain previously applied‑for projects and split at least two‑thirds of program funds equally between two project types. DoD could also give project funds to a local utility system owner (the conveyee) so they carry out resilience, efficiency, or security upgrades; the conveyee would own the improvements, and DoD would grant needed land access.
If enacted, NOAA would submit a ship replacement and modernization plan in 180 days and every 2 years. For two years after the Coast Guard Authorization Act of 2025, NOAA could keep sale proceeds and use them for vessel purchases or repairs. NOAA could temporarily exempt some small uncrewed systems from certain rules when needed for real‑time extreme weather data, while keeping Coast Guard safety powers. NOAA could not buy vessels over 65 feet without the Assistant Administrator’s approval.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would submit a plan within 90 days to design and build a new Great Lakes icebreaker and run a five-season pilot to keep key waterways open 95% of the time, with reports due 180 days after each season. NASA would be allowed to reimburse the Town of Chincoteague, Virginia, for planning and moving three municipal drinking-water wells off NASA property under a 5‑year agreement. NASA would send that agreement to Congress within 18 months.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would put the San Pedro Bay anchorage plan into effect within one year and add alarms and new notice procedures to protect pipelines. It would study all U.S. anchorages less than one mile from pipelines and report within two years with recommendations. The government would also analyze Bering Strait ship traffic and emergency response, finish the study within two years, and report within one year after the study starts.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would make a tsunami plan for each property in an inundation zone within 1 year. Plans would include maps, evacuation routes, and fast evacuation steps, with a 15‑minute goal where near‑shore risks exist and yearly training. The Commandant would brief Congress on status within 14 months. Also, quarterly reports would include the status of renovated housing and support facilities on St. Paul Island, Alaska, a projected full‑use date, and a detailed hangar plan.
If enacted, FinCEN would report within 180 days on using artificial intelligence to improve anti‑money‑laundering work against terrorists, drug cartels, and transnational crime. The report would describe useful AI tools, schemes AI can detect, and implementation issues. Regulators would be consulted.
If enacted, DoD would submit a full infectious‑disease medical research plan within 90 days after the FY2027 budget is sent to Congress. The plan would list projects, show how work supports readiness and patient care, and coordinate across agencies. A detailed budget display would be sent each year through FY2032.
If enacted, the bill would authorize fiscal year 2026 funding for the Defense Health Program as listed in the bill’s funding table. If Congress later appropriates the money, it would support medical care for service members, families, and other eligible beneficiaries.
If enacted, HHS would map supply chains for critical and shortage‑risk drugs and biologics and report to Congress within 18 months and then yearly. DoD would report every 180 days which purchased drugs involved key materials or finished products from the People’s Republic of China. Trade secrets would be protected and strong cybersecurity would be required.
If enacted, DoD would create a Military–Civilian Medical Surge Program with at least eight aeromedical or transport hubs to support emergencies, disasters, and wars. The program would maintain staffing, training, research, and education and coordinate with NDMS while not taking over HHS authorities. A readiness report would be due by July 1, 2026 and then yearly.
If enacted, a 2027–2031 pilot would fund converting blighted buildings into housing in years when program funds exceed $1.35 billion. Up to $100 million a year could go to this pilot, with grants of $1–$10 million when $100 million is available. Funds could cover acquisition, hazard cleanup, prep, and construction.
If enacted, HUD would streamline environmental reviews so many HUD‑assisted housing actions get quicker clearance. Examples include tenant rental help, supportive services, small repairs, and small new builds up to four units, when they do not materially change conditions. Federally recognized Tribes would be able to take on environmental review duties for HUD “special projects.”
USDA would be expected to finish reviews for section 502 or 504 loans or grants within 90 days and report timelines to Congress each year. Congress would authorize money from 2026 through 2030 to hire staff and upgrade IT for Rural Housing Service programs, plus 2026 funds that stay available 5 years for loan‑processing technology. HUD and USDA would sign an agreement within 180 days to streamline environmental reviews and name a lead agency for joint projects, while keeping safety and environmental standards.
If enacted, HUD could fund local and tribal governments to select pre‑reviewed design sets for small and mid‑size housing to speed approvals. At least 10% of each year’s funding would go to rural areas. HUD could seek repayment if a selected design is not adopted within five years.
If enacted, HUD would publish best‑practice guidelines to help states and cities remove zoning barriers and add homes. A two‑year public process would cover parking rules, ADUs, small multifamily by‑right, taller buildings, fee reform, anti‑displacement steps, and links to federal funds. HUD could not penalize places that decline to adopt the guidelines.
If enacted, GAO would study local coordinated entry systems and report within one year. HUD would evaluate these processes within two years, update guidance to allow local flexibility and trauma‑informed practices, and ask for feedback at least every five years.
If enacted, HUD, USDA, and VA would agree to share research and market data and send a joint report to Congress within 180 days. The report would list laws and rules that hurt availability and affordability of FHA, USDA, and VA housing and recommend fixes. It would be posted for 30 days of public comment before delivery.
If enacted, DoD would study the health effects of indoor mold in military housing. An interim report is due within one year and a final report within two years. After interim findings, bases with hazardous mold would have to start mitigation. DoD could set model construction standards to prevent mold and would add mold‑related illness training for military health professionals.
If enacted, disaster recovery rules would better target low‑income people. HUD would define “extremely low‑income,” and States could receive disaster recovery funds for nonentitlement areas after major disasters. At least 70% of each covered grant would have to help low‑ and moderate‑income people unless HUD issues a grant‑specific waiver with strong reasons. HUD would cap administrative costs at 8% for administration and 20% total, and could approve a short plan so grantees draw admin funds early.
If enacted, HUD would send Congress monthly reports on the FHA insurance fund’s capital ratio and alert Congress if it drops below the required level. A study on multifamily FHA loan limits would be due within 180 days. HUD could later propose higher multifamily loan limits, but any increase would have to stay within listed per‑unit caps. Reports would include details on first‑time homebuyers by census tract.
If enacted, HUD would review FHA construction financing for barriers to modular homes and publish a report within one year. Within 120 days after the report, HUD would start a rulemaking on alternative draw schedules for modular and manufactured projects and take public comments.
If enacted, HUD would create an Innovation Fund within one year to reward places that increased housing supply. Grants could support eligible community, transport, and infrastructure projects that grow attainable housing and match local needs. Applications must show three years of objective housing gains using a HUD method.
If enacted, the government would authorize funds from 2026 through 2030 to preserve affordable multifamily rentals. HUD could also fund nonprofits and public housing agencies to provide legal and financial help to borrowers to buy or preserve at‑risk buildings in areas the Secretary identifies.
If enacted, a Long‑Term Disaster Recovery Fund would be set up at Treasury and stay available until spent. HUD could award CDBG disaster recovery grants from the Fund to help housing, infrastructure, local economies, and mitigation in the hardest‑hit areas. HUD would publish the allocation method within 30 days and may include up to 18% extra for mitigation in the formula.
DoD would study, by December 1, 2026, whether to create a Center of Excellence for operational technology and industrial control systems cybersecurity. DoD would also send a cyber workforce strategy report by January 31, 2027 with workforce needs, gaps, tools, budgets, and timelines.
If enacted, within 90 days the DNI would set a policy to direct funding and resources to get enough cleared biotech experts. The policy would set headcounts by intelligence element, identify where to add employees or detailees, and set hiring and partnership strategies. Within 180 days after the policy, the DNI would direct resources and report on any added needs.
The bill would set up the Army‑run SkyFoundry program to speed small drone design, testing, and U.S. manufacturing. It would build innovation and production sites at two or more locations, including an Army depot, and could use fast contracting tools and Defense Production Act Title III support. DoD would also have to deliver by March 1, 2026 a plan to meet small‑drone demand, followed by an industry capacity review by September 30, 2026 that DoD would send to Congress within 30 days.
Temporary munitions‑replacement authorities would extend to the U.S. defense industrial base, not only to partners named before. This could help domestic suppliers ramp up production and replace stocks.
If enacted, NNSA leadership would launch a 25‑year review of its facilities and plans within 30 days and report by June 1, 2026. The bill would create an NNSA Office of Rapid Capabilities to speed key deterrence technologies. It would also let the Energy Department set up energy parks on former defense nuclear sites, after consulting local governments and reuse groups.
The bill would authorize $245.588 million for FY2026 non‑nuclear capability modernization at national labs, including $40 million for SNL MESA photolithography and $15 million for LLNL PRISM. It would authorize $50 million for the Surplus Plutonium Disposition project at Savannah River Site. DOE would have to run a tritium production program, with any new facility at Savannah River, and could test target rods. The nuclear enterprise would modernize depleted‑uranium manufacturing by 2030 and brief Congress annually through 2030. Labs could use up to 8% of applicable funds for lab‑directed research and plants up to 4% for site‑directed R&D.
DoD would push contractors to add sources for critical parts. Design teams would have 60 days to review part classifications, and contractors would have 90 days after award to submit supplier‑diversification plans. DoD would set a simulation approval framework within 180 days, and could enforce data rights or reverse engineer if design teams do not act within 30 days. DoD would also have to keep more than one supplier for key sectors by fiscal year 2031 when feasible, with any waiver reported to Congress within 30 days.
If enacted, the Air Force would brief Congress by February 1, 2026 on making the Joint Fires Network a formal program, including its charter, funding across the FYDP, and milestones. A U.S. Indo‑Pacific Command assessment and briefing would follow by March 30, 2026.
DoD would start a one‑year pilot within 30 days to buy utility services using areawide contracts with public providers. Each service would sign at least one contract within 180 days. DoD would craft a FAR justification template and report 90 days after the pilot ends on savings and any rule changes needed.
Each service would list bases that need private 5G ORAN networks, weighing density, latency, coverage, security, drones, logistics, AR/VR, and flight operations. The Air Force would use its list to say where Wi‑Fi is enough and where private 5G is needed in Enterprise IT task orders. DoD would send a combined investment and deployment plan to Congress by March 1, 2026.
DoD would create a defense‑industry partnership in the Indo‑Pacific and name a senior leader within 180 days. Reports would start March 1, 2027 and continue yearly through 2031, and the authority would end December 31, 2030. The bill would also reserve at least 15% of International Security Cooperation Program funds for U.S. European Command.
Within 180 days, DoD would list core collaboration features like calling, messaging, file sharing, and calendars. Within two years, it would set open, interoperable standards with strong cybersecurity and end‑to‑end encryption where possible. By September 1, 2026, DoD would create a technical‑debt framework and start using it by October 1, 2026. The FY2027 budget would show technical‑debt status, fixes, and risks, with a briefing due by September 15, 2026.
This bill would shorten some legal waiting periods for actions under the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling Act. Several 45-day waits would become 30 days. This would take effect on enactment and would speed stockpile purchases or sales.
DoD would brief Congress by March 1, 2026 on accounts with unsupported starting balances that block clean audits. DoD would also report by January 30, 2026 how tariffs, supply issues, and inflation change costs and timelines on major contracts. GAO would review the last 10 years of defense mergers and remedies. An independent review of the acquisition workforce would be due to Congress by December 31, 2027, with an implementation plan.
DoD would, when practical, use existing or refurbished hypersonic test facilities, including those run by other agencies. This would aim to cut duplication and speed testing.
If enacted, the U.S. Geological Survey could sign agreements with allied countries to map critical minerals and rare earth elements. Data would be protected from unauthorized access. The Interior Secretary and Secretary of State would notify Congress at least 30 days before signing, and State would concur on partner choices and implementation.
If enacted, DoD would form an Advanced Nuclear Transition Working Group within 180 days, recommend at least three pilot projects, and report by September 30, 2026 and annually through 2029. A pilot program would deploy microreactors at U.S. bases to boost energy resilience. The President would designate a White House official to coordinate financing with allies for civil nuclear projects. The Office of Strategic Capital would be allowed to support nuclear fission and fusion projects. National security labs could create Cooperative Research and Development Centers, subject to funding, to speed dual‑use tech transfer.
If enacted, a Nuclear Exports Working Group would create a 10‑year civil nuclear trade strategy within one year. The plan would set export targets every two years and coordinate with agencies and industry. It would meet with Commerce and Energy advisory committees at least quarterly.
If enacted, directors and officers of foreign private issuers would file Section 16 ownership reports electronically in English starting 90 days after enactment. The SEC would study and report within one year on brokers and advisors controlled by the People’s Republic of China. Treasury would send annual reports for seven years on outbound investment screening, including enforcement actions and technology trends, and Treasury and Commerce would testify annually for five years. Two banking law numeric limits would increase from 15 to 20 in the cited statutes.
If enacted, Treasury would report within one year and then yearly through 2028 on its support for community development financial institutions. Reports would total loans and participations bought from CDFIs, loans that back affordable housing construction, and guarantees or reserves provided. Reports would also explain how these actions affect CDFI competitiveness and liquidity.
DOE would set rules to sell or lease land at defense nuclear sites after notifying Congress and waiting 30 days. DOE could indemnify buyers for injury claims from DOE‑related pollution, unless the buyer caused it. Buyers would need to notify DOE within two years after a claim accrues and share evidence.
If enacted, transit projects could get a higher score if local rules support housing near the route. The Department of Transportation could add one point for projects in areas with documented pro‑housing policies, like by‑right approvals or lower parking minimums. DOT would consult with HUD and report which projects received the adjustment.
Starting in FY2026, DoD would include separate research funding solicitations for Historically Black Colleges and Universities and Tribal Colleges and Universities. It would also include separate solicitations for other Minority‑Serving Institutions within the named research program element.
If enacted, DoD would report in 90 days on U.S. boot makers and plan to meet Berry‑compliant combat boot sourcing by FY2028. A five‑year pilot would prefer public‑private partnerships that use Army arsenals, with rules due in 90 days and a report due in one year. DoD would also seek a Defense Innovation Unit partnership with Taiwan to help tech firms co‑develop dual‑use capabilities like drones, chips, AI, and sensors.
If enacted, some U.S. defense items could move among Australia, the U.K., and eligible entities without separate presidential consent. Intra‑company and intra‑government transfers would be allowed when staff meet export‑control rules. Congress would no longer need notice for certain licensing deals with Australia or the U.K. that do not involve defense articles covered by the exemption.
This bill would make it easier for commercial and new firms to sell to DoD. DoD could not force extra contract clauses into commercial subcontracts unless the law requires them. After a competitive selection, follow‑on and some sole‑source awards would be allowed with required approvals. Contracting officers would have to consider pre‑award cost risk when setting profit on undefinitized actions. The definition of “nontraditional” vendor would be broadened, though some DFARS changes could add compliance for internal transfers.
If enacted, certain financing costs for managing inventory or expanding capacity would be allowable on DoD contracts when reasonable and paid to independent lenders. The Army would set up new production lines at eligible installations to make key items like nitrocellulose and critical precursor chemicals, focusing on sites with under $100 million in recent modernization funding and enough land. The Army would also expand robotic automation at munitions plants and brief Congress on progress by March 1, 2026.
If enacted, a new Intelligence Community Technology Bridge would fund small firms to move R&D into production, with $75 million authorized for FY2026. DoD would pilot secure, Top Secret‑capable facilities at least three universities within 540 days and expand to at least 10 schools in four years. DoD would create regional dual‑use manufacturing hubs and make a recommendation on the number of hubs by September 30, 2026. The Army would launch a Catalyst Pathfinder program by January 1, 2027 to link soldiers, universities, and small businesses. The prototyping program would become permanent, and an AI security test bed would be opened to researchers with protected access to vendor models.
If enacted, DoD would publish yearly estimates of allied demand for U.S.‑made munitions, broken out by type and partner. Data guidance would be due by March 1, 2026, and a systems check by March 30, 2026. DoD would also report canceled contracts each year (FY2027–FY2031) within 10 days of the President’s budget, with reasons and any fees. The first report would cover cancellations from FY2025.
If enacted, the Navy would run an open process to test and adopt 23 advanced ship repair technologies, decide on proposals within 90 days, and update policies to use approved tools. The Navy would also stabilize private shipyard work with multi‑year contracts, rotatable parts pools, and workforce‑sustaining allocations, and report to Congress within 180 days. The shipyard stability section would end on January 1, 2031.
This bill would state that the sanction powers in this title could not be used to ban imports of goods. Goods would include articles, materials, supplies, and manufactured products, but not technical data. Importers would face lower risk of sudden import bans under this title.
If enacted, Energy—with State’s concurrence—would support safe, secure civilian nuclear power in partner countries and promote U.S. nuclear companies. The Department could designate U.S. firms to carry out arrangements and, after consultations, waive competition laws when necessary and appropriate.
If enacted, U.S. persons would be barred from knowingly holding securities of companies on the Non‑SDN Chinese military‑industrial list after 365 days from enactment. Trades made on or before that day would be allowed if done only to divest the holding.
If enacted, DoD funds and facilities would not be allowed to perform or help with sex‑change surgeries. People who rely on DoD health services would need to seek and pay for this care outside DoD.
If enacted, contractors with covered networks would have to report successful penetrations within 60 days and provide technical details, while protecting trade secrets. Unmanned surface vessel programs would require a 720‑hour continuous run of key systems before acceptance; financing would be capped at 90% for small businesses and 80% for others until certification. The Office of Strategic Capital would get stronger powers to collect on defaulted loans and guarantees. Certain grants could not fund relocations that cause big job losses in the area a business leaves, with an exception for disaster‑hit firms that moved to keep operating.
Non‑U.S. persons and people who are not citizens of Five Eyes or certain allied partners would not be allowed to operate or access DoD cloud systems or related data. The Secretary would issue safeguards, update contracts and guidance, and report how many foreign individuals have access. Contractors would need to adjust staffing and compliance.
The Corporation would set rules to monitor environmental and social risks across its portfolio. For projects labeled high‑risk, employees or agents would conduct in‑person site visits after funds start flowing, as needed.
The Energy Secretary would get time‑limited authority to take special procurement and exclusion actions when a risk assessment shows a big supply‑chain risk to a covered national‑security system. The Secretary would explain the need in writing, notify Congress within seven days, and could bar awards to a source for up to two years. The authority would end December 31, 2028. The bill would also define a “country of concern” as China (including Hong Kong and Macau) and a “covered foreign person” tied to China’s defense or surveillance tech sectors for use in sanctions or limits.
If enacted, rules would bar U.S. persons from certain national‑security transactions in listed technologies. Civil penalties would be the larger of $250,000 or twice the transaction amount, and divestment could be required. The President could exempt activities in the national interest, with fast notice to Congress. The ban would take effect when regulations are issued.
The Development Finance Corporation would favor poorer countries. Support in high‑income countries would need CEO certification and extra reporting. A high‑income project could get no more than 25% of its total cost, and total high‑income support could not exceed 8% of the DFC’s outstanding contingent liability. The DFC would also be barred from backing projects with governments or state‑owned firms from countries of concern unless the President issues a case‑by‑case national‑security waiver to Congress.
Intelligence agencies would be barred from new or renewed contracts with biotech firms on a DNI prohibited list, including affiliates as defined by DNI rules. Contractors would need certifications and face audits. A narrow waiver would be allowed with notice to Congress when no reasonable alternative exists. The ban would start 60 days after enactment and end 10 years later.
If enacted, eligibility would reach back to September 11, 2001. But payments each year would be limited to the amount Congress specifically appropriates for that year. Payments would be made first‑come, first‑served, or pro rata if funds run short.
The Appraisal Subcommittee would be able to give grants to state agencies, nonprofits, and colleges for appraiser training and scholarships. FHA appraisers would generally need to be licensed in the state where the property is located, meet education rules, and complete an FHA course or approved seminar. HUD would issue guidance within 240 days and make it effective within 180 days after that, with transition steps.
If enacted, DoD would publish a clear guide on how Basic Allowance for Housing (BAH) is set and update it each year. Members would get that info when changes affect their eligibility. DoD would test a bedroom-based method using occupied rental data in at least 10 areas. It would set notional bedroom-based rates for 2026 and 2027 and brief Congress by February 1, 2027 on results and costs.
If enacted, states would need to certify that homes built without a permanent chassis are treated the same as chassis‑equipped manufactured homes, including for finance, title, insurance, taxes, and installation. Initial state certifications would be due within one year (two years for biennial legislatures) with annual recertification. If a state misses the deadline, new covered homes could not be made, installed, or sold there until it certifies. HUD would issue model guidance and work with other agencies to align the federal definition.
If enacted, tenants in USDA‑financed rural properties would get written notice at least 2 years before loan maturity. Rural housing vouchers would be recalculated after income, family, or rent changes and reviewed each year (income must be at or below 80% of area median at recertification). Voucher amounts would follow section 542(a) rules with interim and annual reviews. Owners who extend rental assistance would have to keep homes decent, safe, and sanitary and accept long‑term use limits. Rents would start at local fair‑market levels and adjust by an operating‑cost factor, but the Secretary could approve higher budget‑based rents when needed.
If enacted, HUD would share disaster‑applicant data with FEMA and SBA to help get aid out faster and avoid duplicate payments. HUD would publish its intent to disclose data and use agreements with safeguards for personal information. Grantees would have to report on assisted households when asked.
If enacted, selected MTW housing agencies would need to keep at least 75% of assisted families very low‑income, keep serving about the same number of eligible families, and keep housing up to quality standards. HUD would set a process to fix noncompliant MTW agencies and, if needed, remove and replace them. HUD would also study MTW work requirements and report initial findings within 180 days if evaluation is feasible and will not harm assisted families.
Before changing the workforce at a defense nuclear site, DOE would have to make a restructuring plan and consult labor, governments, schools, and community groups. DOE would aim to limit social and economic harm and give at least 120 days’ notice. Restructuring could still proceed after planning.
If enacted, the Secretary would review each covered grant at least yearly until closeout. The Secretary would set performance targets and spending thresholds, could pause grants that miss targets, and must give a performance improvement plan to paused grantees. Grantees that miss spending thresholds would have to file reports to the Secretary and Congress.
Mariners would face clear age, service, exams, and health standards. Engine applicants would need at least 6 months of related entry‑rating service. Approved training could replace up to half of required sea service: each classroom day counts as 2 sea days, lab day 4, simulator day 6, and underway day 1.5.
Treaty fishing data would be kept confidential, with sharing allowed only in limited cases like court orders or enforcement. License rules would tighten: violations would expand, and an application could be held back if the owner is in bankruptcy without assurances, lacks insurance, or owes unpaid penalties. Treaty fees would have to be paid under the set rules. Enforcement against using AIS to mark gear would be paused until December 31, 2029.
If enacted, contractors would have to report price spikes within 30 days when increases hit 25% over the bid or last year’s price, or 50% over the price five years earlier; failures would be posted in FAPIIS. Offerors that do not provide requested pricing data when needed to find a fair price would face ineligibility unless the agency head starts an alternative source assessment. DoD would overhaul contractor performance reporting to focus on verified negative events and create objective composite scores contractors can see and rebut.
If enacted, the Director of National Intelligence would, within 90 days, block contracting with Chinese biotech suppliers that pose a security threat. Elements of the intelligence community would be barred from buying products made with synthetic DNA or RNA unless final assembly and all significant processing occur in the U.S., and all or nearly all components are U.S.‑made. National security waivers would be allowed when needed.
If enacted, the Defense Secretary would, with Homeland Security, assess in 180 days whether to use DoD personnel to provide translation for Customs and Border Protection. The report would list language skills, impacts on readiness, and detailed costs to train, deploy, and sustain teams. It would give recommendations on whether and how to provide this support.
If enacted, the Department of Defense would be limited to spending 90% of FY2026 research and development funds for CJADC2 until the Secretary of Defense delivers a framework to Congress. The framework would follow GAO guidance and would be used to guide investments and measure progress.
DoD would deliver a plan by June 1, 2026 to expand user activity monitoring on unclassified networks, with costs and timelines. The Secretary could grant case‑by‑case waivers to use covered AI for research, testing, or mission‑critical work, with risk mitigation. The testing chief would maintain cross‑cutting test programs, including cyber assessment efforts. DoD would also build a June 1, 2026 roadmap to authenticate public‑facing digital media and brief Congress by July 1, 2026.
If enacted, the law would move the retirement date in the F‑15E prohibition from September 30, 2029 to September 30, 2027. It would also lower the aircraft threshold from 68 F‑15E to 34 F‑15E.
If enacted, DoD would not change systems that use 3100–3450 MHz or 7400–8400 MHz until September 30, 2034 or until the Chairman certifies dynamic spectrum sharing works. The Secretary of Defense and the Chairman could jointly allow a change if they certify it would not reduce military capability.
If enacted, key intelligence offices would be reorganized. The counterintelligence center would move to the FBI and the counterproliferation and biosecurity center would move to the CIA, on set timelines with regular reports to Congress. The CIA Deputy Director would need Senate confirmation when the job next opens, and some counsel and director roles would shift to agency appointments. Analyst training would be a stand‑alone course that teaches how to avoid political bias, with more reporting to the Analytic Ombudsman.
If enacted, DOE weapons funds could be used for lab research or tech transfer only when it supports the national security mission. Cleanup funds could pay for lab research only when it supports cleanup, and labs could not use certain funds for general overhead. DOE could not use specified defense funds to pay environmental penalties in most cases, and could not use certain funds for NRC licensing work. Bonuses and award fees at defense nuclear sites would have to factor in compliance with environmental, safety, and health rules.
If enacted, intelligence community contractors would be barred from collecting, keeping, or selling location data from phones and wearables in covered locations, unless needed to perform the contract. Contractors would have to certify compliance within 60 days, and false certifications could be treated as false claims. The bill would also require DoD and its contractors to remove or stop using certain foreign‑developed AI (including from DeepSeek and certain High Flyer‑linked entities) within 30 days, unless a waiver applies.
If enacted, when DoD applies a domestic‑sourcing exception for clothing or its materials, it could not award contracts for items made in China, Iran, North Korea, or Russia. This would apply to agreements made on or after enactment.
The bill would cap certain engineering and demonstration spending at 2% of each covered facility’s yearly national‑security allocation. DOE could fine contractors up to $5,000 per day for failing to train or certify hazardous‑response workers. The H‑canyon facility would stay staffed and mission‑ready. DOE would notify Congress at least 30 days before each plutonium shipment to Savannah River and submit a detailed disposal plan and consult the Governor. The federal government would be the exclusive defendant for some test‑related radiation injury claims, with some cases moved to federal court. NNSA would brief on the costs and benefits of competing site‑management contracts and later report on transition results, and the law would list which labs and plants are in the nuclear security enterprise.
If enacted, nuclear‑weapons tritium recycling would be done at the Savannah River Site, with narrow research and support exceptions for Los Alamos. The bill would also bar retaliation or constraints on lab directors or Nuclear Weapons Council members when they present professional views on stockpile safety or supporting infrastructure to the President, NSC, or Congress.
If enacted, the bill would repeal several Department of Defense diversity, equity, and inclusion statutes, including the Chief Diversity Officer, and remove some related reporting and selection‑board rules.
If enacted, ships and waterfront operators would face more checks on salvage and firefighting gear. The government would be able to run drills, test equipment, and require the best tech that is economically feasible. The Coast Guard’s department would be able to set safety zones in the U.S. ocean area for rocket launches and offshore energy work, effective as if on February 1, 2024. The Coast Guard would study safety rules for amphibious vessels and report within one year. Certain small fishing or tender vessels in Southeast Alaska or Prince William Sound could get towing waivers until January 1, 2027, if they meet size, location, and no‑hazardous‑cargo limits. The National Response Center would have to plan a web app within one year and let required spill reports be filed online within two years after that plan, but use would not be mandatory.
If enacted, DoD would study whether hypersonic and long‑range tests need episodic or permanent special airspace and which ranges best fit. The review would cover scheduling, safety, facilities, and named ranges, and consider NASA enhancements. A briefing to Congress would be due by December 1, 2026.
The Secretary would be allowed to run no‑notice security exercises at facilities or vessels in port zones that must keep a security plan. A non‑barge vessel left unattended on U.S. waters for over 45 days could be declared abandoned after notice. Owners could face a civil penalty up to $500 and in‑rem liability, with some exceptions. The Coast Guard would publish a national list of abandoned vessels within one year.
The Energy Secretary would need to request specific budget lines, and get Congress to authorize them, for advanced stages of new or modified nuclear‑weapon work. The Secretary would also notify Congress about earlier‑stage work done before the budget year. Separately, some DOE operations and plant‑project funds could stay available until spent when an appropriations law says so, but program‑direction funds would only last through that fiscal year.
If enacted, CFIUS would decide within 30 days if a reported foreign purchase of U.S. agricultural land needs review, and the Secretary of Agriculture would join those cases. The President could block some land deals near certain bases or control of U.S. farm businesses by people tied to China, Russia, Iran, or North Korea. The law would broaden who counts as a China‑linked affiliate starting one year after enactment. The DNI would support reviews of foreign attempts to buy companies that hold genomic data and brief Congress within 90 days on a formal process.
If enacted, the Navy would be free to move forward with buying medium and large unmanned surface ships by repealing a past limit. But the Navy would not be able to spend money on its autonomy baseline manager or common control system until it gives Congress baseline schedules, cost estimates, test and experiment reports, the Defense Innovation Unit market assessment, and a validation from the Chief of Naval Operations. The bill would also remove older limits on some Defense Department executive authorities.
If enacted, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation would set truth‑in‑lending rules for loans made through intermediaries, limit harsh penalties and collection practices, require clear borrower disclosures and financial‑literacy protections, and report to Congress within 180 days and yearly after. At the same time, a statutory percentage in its law would be lowered from 5% to 2.5%. Together, these changes would tighten borrower protections but reduce an agency percentage set in statute.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would issue a public policy within 90 days after the 2025 authorization act to report senior‑leader misconduct to the Inspector General within 72 hours and give the IG first right to investigate. If a member is convicted or punished for covered misconduct, the Coast Guard would place a note in the service record (not in the restricted section), with appeal rights. The Commandant would also deliver a one‑year strategy and action plan on reforms, with costs and timelines, and brief Congress within 90 days and every 180 days through 2028.
If enacted, sanctions tied to the Western Balkans would be written into law and continue. The President could end or waive sanctions under set conditions, with each waiver lasting up to 180 days and needing 15 days’ notice to Congress. Humanitarian aid and certain admissions would be excluded, and these authorities would end eight years after enactment.
If enacted, HUD would adjust CDBG formula funds based on local housing growth. Places below the median housing growth improvement rate would see a 10% cut, unless they qualify for exclusions. HUD would give bonus funds to places at or above the median and to areas growing 4% or more, using a prorated share of the cuts. HUD would start these adjustments in the third full fiscal year after enactment and continue through fiscal year 2043. HUD would notify recipients of their growth rate within 60 days of enactment and report each year.
If enacted, agencies would have to certify strong financial controls and anti‑fraud systems before awarding disaster‑recovery grants. Grantees would post a detailed plan within 90 days, open it for at least 14 days of public comment, and follow duplication‑of‑benefit rules so people do not get paid twice. Noncompliance could trigger remedies, unless the Secretary formally decides not to pursue action.
If enacted, the DNI would submit a plan within 90 days to reduce ODNI staff to only what is needed to meet the law. The plan must offer each federal employee another federal job or detail and avoid involuntary terminations except for security, misconduct, or performance. Updates would be due every 60 days until targets are met. Cuts could not start until required protections are certified and at least 90 days after plan submission or one year after enactment, whichever is later.
If enacted, DoD could not use FY2026 funds for university research done with a covered entity, unless the Science and Technology lead grants a case‑by‑case waiver and notifies Congress within 30 days. Starting January 1, 2027, schools that get DoD research funds would be barred from signing contracts with covered nations or foreign entities of concern unless they request a waiver at least 120 days in advance; waivers last up to one year and need prior notice to Congress. DoD would also be unable to change indirect cost rate policies until it certifies a new model that lowers rates from FY2025 levels and includes a transition plan.
DOE contractors would not be able to bill for entertainment, lobbying, certain fines, alcohol, promotional ads, premium nonessential air travel, and other unallowable costs. NNSA funds for FY2026 and later would only support AI work tied to nuclear security; support for other DOE work would require full cost recovery and cannot interfere with the nuclear mission. DOE funds could pay for operating and maintaining infrastructure at the Nevada National Security Site for DoD work‑for‑others started after September 30, 1996.
If enacted, DoD programs could use a single, unified test plan with raw data stored in a government repository. DoD could buy metered, usage‑based tech with fixed unit prices, with vendor alerts at 75% and 90% of funded use and feature adds up to 25% treated as competitive. Combatant commands would be able to run prototypes with operations funds and use special rapid‑buy authorities.
DoD would test new management methods at key research and test centers, with proposals taking effect unless disapproved within 60 days. For special‑designation purchasers, programs would have to draft both a standard plan and the fastest path and get a decision within 30 days after a briefing. Prime contractors could sign “covered agreements” to start long‑lead government equipment before a formal sale, but they would negotiate and pay the maker, and the U.S. would not take on liability. Equipment would not transfer until a letter of offer or a contract exists.
Program funds could be used to cover cost growth, buy extra end items, and pay for risk reduction and process improvements. DoD would get one year, instead of 150 days, to obligate and use certain design funds for military construction. Body armor purchases would need to use funds authorized by this bill.
Energy field office managers could shift cleanup funds once per program each year, up to $5 million, to address health, safety, or efficiency and must notify Congress within 30 days. Managers could move weapons‑activities funds under similar $5 million and once‑per‑program limits for safety or savings, but not to cover cost overruns or delays. The Secretary could transfer up to 5% between DOE national security authorizations or to other agencies for higher‑priority work, with prompt notice to defense committees. DOE could also keep proceeds from certain asset sales at Savannah River, Hanford, Rocky Flats, and Oak Ridge to pay sale and disposal costs.
Navy unmanned surface and underwater vessels would be exempt from most senior technical authority oversight. The NAVSEA Chief Engineer could not set requirements without the program manager’s approval, with exceptions for cybersecurity, explosives, or warfare systems. Medium landing ships and light oilers would, when practical, use commercial designs and practices, and a non‑Navy entity would handle the construction contract.
The Maritime Administration would take the lead on environmental reviews for deepwater port applications, with Coast Guard authorities shifted to Transportation within 18 months while the Coast Guard keeps safety roles. The Coast Guard Yard could only get a floating drydock through specific methods; it must be U.S.-built, able to lift ships of at least 418 feet and 4,500 gross tons, and be berthed in Baltimore when used. The used‑vessel purchase limit would change from 10 to 12 in one sealift rule. The bill would also mark parts of the Straits of Mackinac as pilotage waters and repeal a South Pacific Tuna Act observer section.
This bill would repeal the European Energy Security and Diversification Act of 2019. Agencies and partners would lose that law’s authority and directions.
Equipment bought for the Ukraine program could be added back to DoD stocks only if it was never sent and is no longer needed, or if it was sent and then returned. DoD would need to wait 15 days after notifying Congress before moving it into stock.
This bill would repeal many older acquisition laws to simplify defense buying. It would shift some evaluations to a “best value” standard and use a “price competition” test, which could change award decisions. It would expand what counts as experimental or prototyping buys and make a previously optional foreign acquisition program mandatory. Together, these changes would reset how many defense contracts are competed, tested, and awarded.
Noncompetitive awards would face new approval tiers, with top officials signing off on larger deals. Some offerings would have to be treated as commercial by default, but a senior official could waive that with a written rationale and market research. Before buying a defense‑unique development item, an agency head would need to rule out suitable commercial options, and a program leader must sign a justification memo. Design‑build contracts would be treated like construction contracts for oversight, and the special authority would be extended to 2030.
NNSA contractors’ cost‑control systems would face independent checks, and key technologies would have to meet set readiness levels. Independent experts would review big capital projects at CD‑0, CD‑1, and CD‑2, and single‑purpose projects over $100 million would need an independent life‑cycle cost estimate before CD‑2. The Energy Secretary would also get limited emergency authority to start urgent national security construction after telling Congress. Plant project authority would be clarified to include maintenance, construction, modifications, and land for national security sites.
If enacted, DOE would need a completed conceptual design before asking Congress for construction funds, and must request funds first if the design would cost over $5 million. DOE would have to wait 30 days after notifying Congress before using third‑party or similar financing for national security projects with real property costs of $5 million or more, with limited exceptions. The NNSA would finish a common financial reporting system and send annual March 1 progress updates. The Energy Secretary would include detailed year‑end and first‑quarter balances for atomic energy defense programs with each budget submission.
If enacted, the minimum size for guaranteed community finance bonds would be $25 million, with a $1 billion annual cap, and the program would be extended four years after the later of enactment or December 31, 2029. The community finance fund could buy CDFI‑originated loans and offer guarantees or loan‑loss reserves to boost liquidity, with a key threshold raised from $5 million to $20 million. Money earned from Emergency Capital Investment Fund purchases would be recycled into financial and technical assistance for community development.
If enacted, the development finance agency would be barred from supporting projects in countries of concern (for example, China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and others named). Any project that gets a loan guaranty would need the parties to bear at least 20% of the risk of loss. The agency could create funds or holding companies where it is the general partner, with Board approval and 30‑day notice to Congress tied to a national‑security need. A statutory equity investment limit would rise from 30 to 40. Annual reports would need more portfolio details on risk, returns, and performance.
If enacted, DOE funds for national security labs would include a 5% to 7% set‑aside for lab‑directed research. For GOCO labs funded under Energy and Water Appropriations, LDRD could not exceed 6% of DOE funds for those labs. DOE would also write rules for how labs run this research.
If enacted, the bill would define covered national‑security deals, including equity, convertible debt, joint ventures, asset moves, and some fund interests tied to entities in a country of concern. It would define a country of concern as China, including Hong Kong and Macau, and list who counts as tied to it. Some investments would be exempt, such as exchange‑traded and SEC‑registered fund securities and limited partner commitments of $2,000,000 or less across related vehicles. U.S. persons would have to notify the Secretary within 30 days after finishing a covered deal once rules issue. Penalties could be the greater of $250,000 or twice the transaction value. Rules would be due within 450 days after enactment.
If enacted, the bill would define “notifiable technology,” covering some advanced chips and certain AI, including AI trained with more than 10^23 compute. It would also define “prohibited technology,” such as chip design software and high‑volume chip‑making or advanced‑packaging equipment. The DNI would list, within 180 days and then yearly, entities in China that support the PLA, and agencies would review whether other PRC entities belong on a Non‑SDN military‑industrial list. Firms that design, make, or fund these items would face new notices, reviews, or limits.
DARPA could keep taking private‑sector assignees through September 30, 2030. DoD would update advanced‑manufacturing guidance, brief Congress by March 1, 2026, and deliver a manual by September 30, 2026. DoD could waive some recordkeeping when an additively manufactured part meets or beats traditional performance. Guidance would prefer U.S. manufacturers unless a written case supports foreign sourcing.
If enacted, DoD would set a risk‑based security framework for AI and machine learning and could require contractors to follow it. DoD would also test commercial AI tools in two logistics exercises in fiscal year 2026, with a briefing due by March 1, 2026. Providers of collaboration software would have to attest they use identified standards by default and give third‑party test results; the CIO would list compatible tools and name test suites within one year of identifying standards.
DoD would face new limits on buying certain 3D printers and key minerals. It would be barred from using covered additive‑manufacturing machines tied to China, Iran, North Korea, or Russia, with narrow exceptions and waivers. Molybdenum, gallium, and germanium would be added to the list of materials that cannot come from non‑allied sources (gallium and germanium rules would start one year after enactment). A recycled‑scrap exception would apply in narrow cases. An existing national‑security waiver for one rule could also apply to related sourcing limits for the same item.
If enacted, DoD would require counterintelligence briefings for service members. The briefings would explain how foreign actors try to recruit, how to avoid legal trouble, who to contact, and the penalties under the law.
If enacted, mariners and applicants would be able to send credential documents electronically. Employers and schools would be able to send records directly and securely. Agencies would be able to use anonymized, grouped data for planning while protecting privacy.
If enacted, certain retired officers who left in good standing would be eligible for Public Safety Officers’ Death Benefits when death or total disability stems from a targeted attack tied to their service. This would apply to actions on or after January 1, 2012, and to cases pending at enactment. The bill would also keep officer crisis‑support programs authorized for 2025–2029.
If enacted, intelligence‑community employees would be protected when they report or are affected by decisions to order psychiatric testing or exams. The change would apply to matters arising after enactment.
If enacted, the Diplomatic Security Service would issue tactical gear in men’s and women’s sizes whenever those products are sold commercially. This applies to Special Agents, uniformed officers, and covered contractors.
This bill would update the Fair Credit Reporting Act for service members. Credit-report rules would apply to an “armed forces member consumer” whether on active duty or not. The change would start one year after enactment.
If enacted, DoD would set up a program to coordinate fertility care and train community providers on the needs of service families. TRICARE would be required to raise specialty‑provider directory accuracy to at least a 70% average within five years, with biannual checks, outreach, and validation. The Defense Secretary would issue fertility‑care rules within one year to implement the bill’s changes.
If enacted, DoD would keep providing bottled water to communities with private wells that had PFAS above EPA limits and were already receiving bottled water the day before enactment. This would continue until all affected homes connect to municipal water or DoD fixes the contamination to meet Federal and state drinking water standards.
If enacted, up to two bases would pilot monthly commissary food coupons for junior enlisted members living in unaccompanied housing. The coupon amount would be set by the Secretary. Coupons could buy food at commissaries, not alcohol or tobacco, and would supplement—not replace—BAS or in‑kind meals. The pilot would end within one year of its start, with a report due 90 days later.
If enacted, people who are not eligible for DoD health care could receive sexual‑assault medical forensic exams at military hospitals on a nonreimbursable basis when they report a qualifying offense. The Secretary would set rules for who qualifies and how exam kits are handled and sent to law enforcement.
If enacted, DOE would give grants of $3 million to Washington, $1 million to Oregon, and $1 million to Idaho to run programs for people exposed to Hanford radiation from 1944–1972. States would provide health‑effect information, referrals, and possible registration or monitoring.
If enacted, the government could run pilot projects that pair housing providers with health groups to deliver supportive services for people who are homeless or at risk and have high health needs. Projects would use HIPAA‑compliant data sharing. The Secretary would report within two years and then every four years.
If enacted, names and contact details of people in Hanford radiation exposure programs would stay private unless they give written consent. States would set uniform rules for consent, database use, future handling, and enforcement.
If enacted, children of retired service members on family TRICARE Select would qualify for hearing aids. This would extend an existing rule and could lower out‑of‑pocket costs for those families.
If enacted, DoD could buy third‑party certified dietary supplements and sports foods and give them to U.S. Special Operations Command members under medical oversight. Products must follow DoD rules and be vetted for prohibited ingredients. By September 30, 2026, DoD would report on whether to expand this to the military departments.
If enacted, if you are 30 or more days late on a covered mortgage, your servicer would have to offer housing counseling. For qualifying FHA‑insured loans, the Mutual Mortgage Insurance Fund would pay the fair‑market counseling cost when legal conditions are met.
Within 6 months, FHFA would require the standard mortgage form to ask about military service above the signature line. The form would also say: “If yes, you may qualify for a VA Home Loan. Consult your lender regarding eligibility.” A report due in 18 months would check if at least 80% of lenders include the notice.
If enacted, DoDEA would add IEP service minutes to staffing models, expand crisis training, track special‑education staffing and turnover, and brief Congress by April 1, 2026, then every 180 days until complete. DoD would report by September 30, 2027 on unmet child care near bases and include a plan to close gaps. Base counselors would be trained as state foster‑care liaisons, and Military OneSource would post state‑specific foster information.
If enacted, the bill would remove a limit on NOAA education assistance. NOAA retirements or separations would take effect no sooner than 60 days after approval unless an earlier date is requested and approved. Former NOAA officers with at least three years of active service who left under honorable conditions could compete for certain federal jobs and get career appointments if selected; this pathway would be repealed five years after the Coast Guard Authorization Act of 2025 is enacted. The standard for certain disqualifications would be narrowed to “willful misconduct.”
The Navy would share information with personnel about jobs at Military Sealift Command and shipbuilder training. Graduation from an approved nautical school program would count in place of certain sea‑service requirements for merchant mariner credentials.
Within 180 days, DoD would start a 12‑month campaign to teach service members and families about pay and benefits. Pay statements issued 180 days after enactment would include plain‑language notes for each pay, allowance, and deduction: what it is, the law behind it, who qualifies, and when eligibility can change.
Cadets who feel uncomfortable with a room assignment would be able to request a reassignment under policy. Cadets who report sexual assault or related offenses would be told about transfer options and would get a decision within five days. Denials could be reviewed by the Secretary within five days, and records would stay confidential as allowed by law.
NNSA contractors could propose transport plans linking worksites and mass transit, including parking, road fixes, shuttles, or commute‑cost payments. If approved, the agency could reimburse costs. Plans should use alternative‑fuel vehicles when possible, and commute time would not count as work hours.
If enacted, children of full‑time American Red Cross employees serving the Armed Forces overseas could enroll in DoDEA schools. For DoDEA staff at Guantanamo Bay, dependents would get educational travel even if the employee is not traveling or transferring within 30 days. DoD would update travel rules and brief Congress by February 1, 2026, with yearly updates through February 1, 2029.
If enacted, the military would be barred from requiring more than eight years of service for former officers or NCOs to serve as JROTC instructors.
If enacted, the DNI would study allowing people who left the intelligence community within five years, and had access the day before separation, to regain eligibility if their records show no issues and they certify no changes. The report would be due within 120 days. The bill would also change a Higher Education Act rule so duty stations within 50 miles of an IC headquarters would not count as a “permanent duty station” for certain benefits.
DOE would be able to fund nonprofits to train people who respond to hazardous substances at nuclear weapons facilities. Preference would go to worker groups and joint labor‑management programs. Training must follow DOE safety orders.
DoD would run a three‑year pilot to raise pay or benefits for child care workers at at least three bases. The pilot would begin after DoD issues rules and would target sites with staffing shortages. Workers at selected sites would get fair and competitive wages during the pilot.
If enacted, spouses and surviving spouses described in law would be able to receive Disabled Veterans’ Outreach services. These services support job search, training, and placement.
NOAA would name Cooperative Aviation Centers at select colleges to build a pipeline for aviators. A NOAA officer would advise the centers and serve as the commissioned corps’ chief aviation recruiter.
If enacted, if you finish a future servicemember prep course and score at or above the 31st AFQT percentile in the same fiscal year and enlistment period, you would not count against certain low‑score accession limits. Services would report separate stats before and after the course.
If enacted, the Coast Guard Academy would add a Student and Women Advisory Board of at least 12 cadets that meets twice a year. Electronic locks would be installed on every cadet overnight room within two years, tested every six months, and access logs kept at least five years. The Academy would build two private behavioral health rooms within two years, with a phone, computer, and private Wi‑Fi. Every dorm building would post clear info on reporting crimes and where to get help.
If enacted, Transition Assistance Program counseling would have to cover child care needs (including Exceptional Family Member Program status), whether other adults in the home work, duty‑station factors including family separation, and how operations tempo affects the household.
If enacted, DoD projects using "other transaction" authority would be reported on the public federal spending website. DoD contracts would have to cite a specific policy version or date; if none is listed, the version at solicitation applies unless both sides agree to an update. Specially designated purchasers would get briefings on risks and tradeoffs and a chance to set risk tolerance that leaders must consider.
If enacted, loans and loan guarantees by the Defense Office of Strategic Capital would be presumed legally compliant. The Director would report by March 1 each year on fees collected and their use. The DoD Inspector General would audit fees at least every two years and report by June 1 of the audit year.
This bill would raise the APEX program cap per area from $1,000,000 to $1,500,000. The Defense Department could set up APEX centers of excellence to share specialized help with businesses outside their home area. Centers could use a cost-sharing waiver to form cooperative agreements.
The State Department could use $50 million (FY2026–2030) and DOE could use $15.5 million (FY2026–2030) for international civil nuclear cooperation. The President would hold a civil nuclear conference every two years to improve financing, licensing, and project standards. The State Department could fund U.S. nuclear experts to advise partner nations on financing, licensing, market analysis, and spent fuel options.
An Alaska Native member with subsistence experience would join the North Pacific Research Board. Certain appointees would serve three‑year terms, with one reappointment allowed. The 15% administrative cap could rise in years with less funding, and the cap would be waived for five years after enactment to keep board operations and grants running well.
The bill would lift a prior ban so federal agencies could fund or support U.S. exhibits at Worlds Fairs if other laws allow it.
The Defense Department would set up a common key or similar technology so Baltic states can share HIMARS ammunition for training and operations.
U.S. officials at multilateral development banks would push projects in high‑risk countries to include a counter‑trafficking strategy. Plans would assess risks and add steps to reduce trafficking in Tier 2 Watch List, Tier 3, or Special Case countries.
If enacted, the Air Force could buy 10 acres tied to a Tucson International Airport project from FY2023. It could build new power generation and microgrid facilities at Joint Base Andrews and Joint Base McGuire–Dix–Lakehurst. The Missile Defense Agency could renovate more space at Redstone Arsenal and convert some areas to classified space.
Intelligence and homeland security leaders would, within one year, assess threats from unmanned aircraft near U.S. borders. They would identify bad actors, current detection abilities, and gaps in law. An unclassified report would be due within 180 days after the assessment.
State, Defense, and the intelligence community would report within 180 days, and then every two years, on Russian and Chinese influence in the Western Balkans. Reports would be unclassified with an optional classified annex and include tactics, impacts, and recommendations.
National Intelligence Program funds would not be used for practices that discriminate in ways barred by the Constitution or federal law. The Director of National Intelligence would update policies and training within 90 days to follow this rule. When troops support civilian police, each member would visibly show the name of their military service.
DoD would treat certain allies as “purchasers with a special designation” in planning and outreach. The list would include Israel, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, NATO members, and other named partners. This would guide acquisition strategies and how agencies get purchaser input.
If enacted, the Coast Guard’s parent department would send Congress a report by April 30, 2025, and every two years after. The report would list data on sexual harassment complaints filed under the confidential process during the prior two years. No personal identifying information would be included.
The Afghanistan War Commission’s co‑chairs would be able to enter contracts needed to do the Commission’s work. This would apply only up to the amounts provided by Congress.
An interagency group would build enforcement plans against illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing and fishing tied to forced labor, using specific U.S. reports and lists. Foreign owners of vessels on the IUU list would be barred from U.S. visas and entry, with limited exceptions and a possible national‑interest waiver.
DoD would plan training, equipment, and logistics support for Jordan and Lebanon and send a plan by December 31, 2025. DoD and State would report each year on U.S.–Philippines security cooperation, starting June 1, 2026 through 2031. The reports would include funding plans, five‑year activities, and infrastructure work at agreed sites.
If enacted, DoD could provide staff, facilities, funds, and other support to the Afghanistan War Commission without repayment. Other federal agencies could also give support as allowed by law.
Rules for Link 16 operations would clearly cover special‑use airspace. Approvals would be presumed unless there is evidence that electromagnetic interference makes operations unsafe.
If enacted, State would report within 30 days, and then every 90 days for three years, on overseas posts where host governments restrict diplomatic pouch access and what steps are being taken. State would also consider a team at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing focused on Inner Mongolia and report on staffing within 180 days.
State would brief Congress within 30 days after the annual Trafficking in Persons Report. The briefing would list countries that moved up or down and describe U.S. actions in those places. State would also brief within 30 days after any presidential trafficking waiver, giving reasons and each country’s steps toward minimum standards.
If enacted, when the President removes or transfers a Joint Chiefs member before the term ends, the President would notify Congress within five days and explain why.
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania would be allowed to retransfer U.S.‑origin mobile rocket artillery among themselves without prior Presidential consent. This special permission would end five years after enactment.
If enacted, some Coast Guard projects that only extend service life and fix obsolete parts would be exempt from certain top‑tier acquisition rules. This could speed needed repairs and upgrades.
DOJ would award grants so agencies can hire retired law‑enforcement professionals for civilian tasks like forensics, video review, IT, and analysis. These hires would not have arrest or use‑of‑force powers. Applicants would need to check disciplinary records. The DOJ Inspector General would audit grantees, and awards with unresolved audit issues could be barred for two fiscal years after a 12‑month unresolved period.
If enacted, the Indo‑Pacific education pilot would run through December 31, 2030. The Taiwan program could also include medical equipment, supplies, and combat casualty care. Pacific deterrence references would be updated for FY2026. DoD could keep using a fund‑transfer authority for the Bien Hoa dioxin cleanup through FY2026.
For fiscal year 2026 funds, the bill would keep the U.S. Cyber Command leader’s authorities and command setup as they were on June 1, 2025. The Army’s counter‑small‑drone office would close 60 days after enactment, and its staff and duties would move to the Under Secretary for Acquisition and Sustainment. Drone‑defense protections for certain facilities would be extended by one year, to December 31, 2027 and November 15, 2027.
If enacted, DoD would issue guidance within 180 days to streamline international arms transfer processes and name a lead official to track and share Foreign Military Sales data. DoD would brief Congress within 30 days after issuing the guidance.
If enacted for FY2026, the Air Force could not retire or store E‑3 aircraft below 16 total, and could not reduce the A‑10 fleet below 103 without a qualified waiver. The Navy could not retire or store an oceanographic research vessel without first identifying and acquiring a suitable replacement. Some limits would lift after a readiness plan is sent or when replacement capabilities arrive.
The bill would define key terms for the Golden Dome missile‑defense effort, including which commercial solutions and unmanned systems are covered. It would also require DoD to send certifications and assessments for David’s Sling and Arrow 3 at least 30 days before providing funds to Israel.
If enacted, the Coast Guard Commandant would handle retaliation complaints when the Coast Guard is not serving as part of the Navy, and the DHS Inspector General could take complaints. The Coast Guard would also get a temporary exemption from a staffing end‑strength rule until October 1, 2027.
If enacted, the FBI and DNI would declassify within 30 days whether foreign officials helped people flee U.S. justice, with needed redactions. IC leaders would immediately notify Congress and the Archivist when downgrading or declassifying certain sensitive information, and include a copy. The DNI would report within 120 days and yearly on interim or nonstandard clearances, including counts and justifications, with the first report covering 2017 through enactment year. The DNI would also start a review within 90 days and publish a declassified report within 180 days on anomalous health incidents. Treasury’s intelligence office would set counterintelligence support and coordination policies and report to Congress within 270 days.
DoD support for wildfire prevention and response training would become required, not optional. Components would have to provide the support that was previously discretionary.
DOE would notify Armed Services Committees within 30 days after finding a significant atomic‑energy defense intelligence loss, while protecting sources and methods. DOE could contract through its labs and sites to acquire foreign materials needed for national security. Annual reports on this authority would run for four years.
If enacted, grant funds could pay for training and containment devices to prevent first responders’ exposure to fentanyl and other lethal substances. Eligible agencies would be able to buy these devices with existing grants.
If enacted, some Coast Guard funds for morale, recreation, and the Exchange would be treated like nonappropriated funds and would stay available until spent. The Commandant would issue policy within 90 days of the Coast Guard authorization law and brief Congress 30 days later. The Commandant could also oversee museum design and construction, lease museum property for operations, and accept services from nonprofits.
If enacted, the Defense Secretary would send Congress an unclassified report on sexual assault prevention and response within 90 days, and every 90 days after. Reports would cover case metrics by service, staffing, prevention results, survivor care progress, and recommendations. Classified details could be placed in an annex.
If enacted, service Secretaries could grant honorary promotions, including posthumous ones, when a special board of at least three independent officers recommends it. The rank must match the person’s contributions and cannot be based only on a past recommendation.
The DFC Board would follow open‑meeting rules and hold at least two public hearings each year, posting minutes while protecting confidential business data. The DFC would keep a public, machine‑readable database with project details and impact metrics when appropriate. The bill would also set yearly income‑based country labels and name some “countries of concern,” like China and Russia, for DFC decisions.
Semiannual briefings on the amphibious warship fleet would continue through September 30, 2028. Briefings would include plans to maintain and extend ship service life until replacement contracts are at their obligation and work limiting dates.
If enacted, the Supreme Court Marshal could protect retired or former Justices, their immediate family, and Court officers when needed. Protection would be provided only when the Marshal decides it is necessary.
Defense committees would receive briefings on any intercepts of unidentified objects by NORAD or USNORTHCOM. The first briefing after enactment would cover events back to January 1, 2004. The UAP office would issue security‑classification guidance within 180 days and brief Congress within 30 days after issuing it.
If enacted, DoD would report within 30 days and monthly after on the number of noncitizens held at each DoD site and the total detention cost. If military aircraft, bases, or personnel support immigration enforcement, DoD would notify Congress within seven days with aircraft types, passenger counts, estimated costs, destinations, and other required details.
If enacted, the RQ‑4 aircraft inventory rule would run one year longer, through September 30, 2030. The law would also set how to count when amphibious ships are “temporarily unavailable,” with thresholds that ease over time: over 100% in 2026–2027, over 75% in 2028–2029, over 50% in 2030–2031, and over 25% from 2032 on.
If enacted, NNSA would publish contractor performance reviews that led to award fees in a common format. No program could be charged more than the legal maximum for lab‑directed R&D. Within 10 days after the President’s budget each year, NNSA would report unfunded priorities or certify there are none. State and Energy Inspectors General would deliver a joint oversight plan on international civil nuclear aid within one year.
If enacted, at meetings of the Congressional Strategic Advisory Group, the Corporation would be ready to discuss project standards and show related performance measures.
The bill would set up a 15‑member advisory group on autonomous maritime systems within 90 days. It would require a plan within one year to create a Coast Guard office for uncrewed and counter‑uncrewed systems, with yearly briefings for three years. The Coast Guard would have to factor life‑cycle costs when designing and evaluating new ships and aircraft. A Special Advisor for Tribal and Native Hawaiian Affairs would be created, with an initial briefing due in 120 days. Covered foundations could use Academy facilities under strict safety and ethics rules, and the Secretary could allow shared federal‑state jurisdiction at the Academy. The Coast Guard would share ballast‑water approval data with States, Tribes, DC, and territories unless disclosure is barred by law.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would set or update rules within two years for sharing vessel traffic data with Canada on the Saint Lawrence Seaway and Great Lakes. Before a final rule at mile 7.4 of the St. Lucie River, the Coast Guard would perform an independent boat‑traffic study.
The bill would state that it does not give the government power to impose new import sanctions. It defines a "good" broadly as articles, materials, supplies, or manufactured products, and excludes technical data.
If enacted, the head of the NOAA Corps would need at least one year of service as a captain or higher before appointment. Promotions to rear admiral (upper half) and above would require Presidential appointment with Senate approval.
The bill would direct NOAA to hire the National Academies to study illegal and forced‑labor fishing worldwide and its costs. It would authorize $2 million for that study. It would also authorize $93 million for NOAA vessel program work for FY2025–FY2026. These are authorizations and would still need future appropriations.
If enacted, a specific federal authority would end on December 31, 2031 instead of an earlier trigger. This keeps that authority in place through 2031.
If enacted, the Navy could not disestablish NECC Pacific for one year after enactment and must brief Congress within 180 days. The Army could not spend FY2026 funds to transform Fort Rucker’s helicopter training until a six‑class pilot and independent cost and effectiveness reviews are done and briefed. The Rocket Cargo environmental review for Johnston Atoll would be delayed until it also analyzes the Kwajalein site and compares costs.
The bill would start a pilot to find and reduce trade barriers in selected allied developing countries. The Secretary would choose at least three countries in the first year, starting within 270 days, and continue annually for three years. A working group would design a Strategic Infrastructure Fund, brief in 180 days, and deliver draft law text within one year. The Young Balkan Leaders program would continue fellowships for people ages 18–35, with a briefing due in 180 days.
If enacted, the Secretary of State would report within 90 days on U.S. Mission Australia staffing and facilities. The report would estimate personnel and family numbers across Australia, assess housing and school needs, and estimate costs to expand in Perth. It would also review current roles, transfers, and prior assessments.
If enacted, Congress would strongly encourage inviting Taiwan’s navy to future RIMPAC exercises. If not invited, DoD would have to give Congress written reasons within 30 days of that decision.
DoD could not use FY2026 funds to build a new golf course or limit public access at Greenbury Point in Annapolis, or use outside funds to improve it. The Air Force would keep aircraft made before December 31, 1945 rather than scrap them. Those planes would be kept, transferred to qualified museums or institutions, or handled under a preservation plan. A narrow waiver would apply only if a plane cannot be restored, no institution accepts it within 12 months of notice, and Congress is notified 30 days in advance.
If enacted, the bill would state that nothing in the title would stop U.S. citizens from traveling.
The bill would let the Secretary, with Commerce, post a public, non‑exhaustive list of foreign persons tied to prohibited tech, with a confidential way to submit evidence. CFIUS would set and yearly update a list of sensitive U.S. government facilities, with agency reports due by January 31. DoD would evaluate TP‑Link equipment and brief Congress on any designation decision by December 1, 2026. Some submitted information would stay confidential under security and privacy laws.
State would create a private registry for Korean Americans seeking reunions with relatives in North Korea. Data would be shared with foreign partners only with the person’s consent and with privacy safeguards. State would include registry updates in required annual reports.
If enacted, DoD would brief Congress within 90 days and every 90 days after on spending for Arctic infrastructure exploration and development. Briefings would include amounts spent, the future timeline, and feasibility of options.
If enacted, each launch control center in the three missile wings would get a deep cleaning of crew capsules every five years until decommissioned by the Sentinel ICBM program. The commander could waive a cleaning for certain reasons but would have to report it. The Air Force would report each year on which centers were cleaned.
The bill would set Selected Reserve end strengths as of September 30, 2026 for all services. It would also authorize up to $106.87 million to build or buy property for Navy and Marine Corps Reserve facilities at NAS Fort Worth.
If enacted, Sea Grant would be authorized for funding through fiscal year 2031. Trustees for the Exxon Valdez fund would prioritize grants that protect and restore habitat.
Within 180 days, the State Department would report on Syria’s security steps needed to reopen a U.S. mission in Damascus. It would assess terrorism threats, embassy site safety, chemical weapons destruction, drug stockpiles, ties with Russia and Iran, and help finding U.S. citizens.
If enacted, DoD could provide protection or reimburse costs for certain former senior officials who face serious, credible threats from their past duties. DoD would notify Congress about decisions and give at least 90 days’ written notice before ending protection.
Any certification to the President about the safety or reliability of a nuclear weapon type would be given only in classified form. The Energy Secretary would need to certify to Congress that no Restricted Data would be revealed before allowing IAEA inspections at national‑security labs or nuclear‑weapons production sites. A special hiring authority for key scientific and technical staff would be extended through 2036.
If enacted, the Assistant Secretary for Cyber Policy would report directly to the Secretary of Defense. The Under Secretary for Research and Engineering would gain clearer authority to direct work in their areas. DoD would set standards and debriefings for system owners with access to sensitive operational personal data and report details to Congress after finishing the requirements.
DoD would have one year to carry out GAO recommendations to improve how it shares data on military construction oversight or explain why not. The Army could not cut, consolidate, or divest electronic‑warfare test and evaluation activities in the Major Range and Test Facility Base until it sends Congress a report with cost, workload, and workforce analysis, an independent review, and a certification. DoD could not label any military construction project as part of the Military Intelligence Program.
If enacted, the Director of National Intelligence would set guidance within 30 days to define and govern high‑impact AI across intelligence agencies. Agencies would keep an annual list of high‑impact AI uses and send it to Congress. The guidance would require whistleblower protections, risk checks, independent testing, cost reviews, and pre‑deployment documentation.
This bill would extend permission to bring certain H‑2B workers to Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands through December 31, 2031. It would also exempt some family‑based immigrants from visa number limits if they are in specific family preference categories and have a parent naturalized under named World War II‑era or 1990 laws.
Agents for companies or governments owned or controlled by certain listed countries would lose several Foreign Agents Registration Act exemptions and would need to register. The Secretary of State would consult the FBI and DNI when negotiating reciprocal diplomatic privileges and report yearly for five years on countries with harmful intelligence activities and outsized privileges in the U.S. Diplomats from China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and Cuba would be limited to three years at a time, need two years outside the U.S. before a second three‑year period, and could get no more than six total years, unless a reciprocal waiver is justified 15 days in advance.
If enacted, State would set up a U.S.–India consultative group under the Strategic Security Dialogue. It would assess the 2008 nuclear cooperation deal, discuss India’s liability rules, and shape a diplomatic plan. State would send an initial report within 180 days and then yearly for five years.
DoD would hire a federally funded research center to review the Joint Electromagnetic Battle Management Software each year. Congress would get a briefing by September 30 annually through 2031. Reviews would check best practices, needs, and schedule and cost performance. The requirement would end October 1, 2031.
If enacted, the CIA would run an anonymous workplace climate survey every year. It would focus on preventing and responding to sexual assault and harassment and let employees rate the Agency’s response. The CIA would send findings to Congress each year.
If enacted, vetted researchers in the election vulnerability program would be protected from some legal action for accidental, good‑faith violations under program rules. This protection would only apply to research done under the pilot and would end five years after enactment.
If enacted, the Energy Department would make 50‑year future‑use plans for cleanup sites, including Hanford, Savannah River, and Idaho National Lab. It would set up citizen advisory boards where needed and consult states, tribes, and the public. After any improper airborne release at Hanford, the Secretary would notify Congress within two business days and brief within seven business days on cause, plans, costs, and timelines.
At least 20% of the program’s annual funds would go to Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) Task Force grants. The money would support training and technical help for task force members.
Passenger ships would need STD‑prevention supplies sized to voyage length and people on board. Crews would use an electronic log that records who enters any passenger room and when. The Coast Guard would publish counts of drug and person interdictions, drug amounts and types, and counts of unaccompanied minors, without releasing sensitive data. Seaway powers under specified sections would only be delegated to the Great Lakes St. Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation, while the Coast Guard could still set safety zones and issue special orders after consultation.
If enacted, within one year the IC CIO would identify AI systems to reuse and set sharing rules that protect sources and methods. Agencies would use contracts to keep federal data rights and limit vendors from training commercial tools on IC data without permission. DoD would add a detailed AI security plan with timelines, resource needs, and metrics, and would report progress within 180 days.
If enacted, confidentiality rules would cover information given to the Office of Justice Programs by any person or entity, including data that can identify a private person. The change would apply as if adopted on December 27, 1979, and would cover matters now pending at the Justice Department.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would work to increase high‑seas observations and consider boarding vessels suspected of illegal fishing and report to Congress within three years. An interagency group would, within three years, recommend data sharing and joint enforcement steps to keep illegal and forced‑labor seafood from harming U.S. trade. The Coast Guard would finish, in 180 days, a plan to expand training with Taiwan’s coast guard, including costs for FY2024–FY2029, and brief Congress within 60 days after the plan is done.
If enacted, the Office for Victims of Crime would keep carrying out GAO anti‑trafficking recommendations. It would set measurable goals and targets and report progress to Congress within 180 days.
Commerce would study security risks from consumer routers and modems tied to covered countries. A report to Congress would be due within one year.
If enacted, DoD would study how to remove oil from WWII‑era sunken tankers near Micronesia and Palau. The report would cover costs, logistics, environmental risks, methods, and timelines, and be due by March 1, 2026.
If enacted, the cap on Defense Department assistance to account for missing U.S. government personnel would rise from $5 million to $15 million. This would allow more funding for recovery and identification work that supports affected families.
If enacted, the Navy would deliver a plan by April 1, 2026 to replace legacy waterborne security barriers. The plan must show better performance than current barriers, use full and open competition, and set an acquisition strategy. The Navy would implement the plan by September 30, 2027.
If enacted, the government would award grants to build school–community drug‑prevention partnerships. Each grant could be up to $75,000 per year, with renewals for up to three years after the first award. Congress is authorized to provide $7 million per year for fiscal years 2026–2031, with up to 8% for administration and only one grantee per local school.
HUD would ask for input on improving homelessness data systems and sharing with health, substance‑use, and VA systems. HUD would consider incentives and study risks and benefits of using artificial intelligence, in coordination with VA.
USDA would offer grants up to $250,000 to intermediaries that help rural towns with housing, facilities, and economic projects. Grantees must usually match the grant dollar‑for‑dollar, but the match could be waived in persistently poor rural regions.
HUD could give extra scoring weight to some housing grants in or serving Opportunity Zones. HUD could also fund a study to design a standard legal code for modular homes, including serial tracking and links to financing.
USDA would publish a yearly report with sortable data on loan performance, why properties leave programs, and risk ratings, with privacy protections. Within 6 months, USDA would also report on section 521 subsidies for section 502 loans, how much is recaptured, and the time and cost to do it.
Certain DoD land conveyances in Hawaii under the named section would skip the screening process in 10 U.S.C. 2696(b). This could speed transfers to local parties.
NeighborWorks would come under federal Inspector General rules, and Congress could fund its OIG as needed. The OIG could not run the nonprofit’s programs. NeighborWorks’ accounts would be audited each year by an independent CPA in line with professional standards.
Starting December 31, 2026, the Coast Guard would keep at least 20 JROTC programs running. Within one year of enactment, the Secretary would give Congress a cost estimate to meet this target.
If enacted, the JROTC program would grow. The minimum supported units would rise from 3,400 to 3,600. The maximum would rise from 4,000 to 4,200.
If enacted, the Academy would assess misconduct each program year and run a survey in odd‑numbered program years. Reports would be due each March 1, starting not earlier than one year after enactment and through March 1, 2031. A strengthened Board of Visitors would have defined members, meet at least yearly, and publish a report within 60 days after meetings.
By January 1, 2027, DoD would set up a program to promote foreign student participation in Senior ROTC. A strategy is due by September 30, 2026, with annual reports starting September 20, 2027. The program would end December 31, 2031.
If enacted, the Navy would report within 180 days and then yearly on recruiting and keeping Military Sealift Command mariners, including training and integration. It would also report within 90 days on whether to allow longer charters for commercial and specialty vessels.
If enacted, a university‑led consortium would support defense nuclear policy research with open data, fellowships, scholarships, internships, courses, and grants. The Energy Department would also set up a university program to link national labs, colleges, and industry for national security research and training.
If enacted, U.S. Cyber Command would complete by August 1, 2026 a roadmap to work with industry on AI‑enabled cyber tools. It would set use cases, contracts, clearance needs, pilot goals, and transition plans. The Commander would brief Congress by November 1, 2026 and give annual updates through December 31, 2030.
Commerce would set up a 15‑member Commercial Space Activity Advisory Committee within 180 days. Members would serve terms up to four years, and the committee would end 10 years after it starts.
DoD would be allowed to buy goods and services to support efforts to account for missing U.S. government personnel.
If enacted, the U.S. would back voluntary talks with partner countries to align technical rules and standards, with embassy support. Within two years, State, Energy, and Commerce would hold meetings with at least five partners to work on research, licensing, and deployment of advanced nuclear reactors. They would also seek shared financing for demonstrations over a 10‑year period after consulting Congress.
Grant recipients would be allowed to keep income from their projects if they use it under grant rules. The Secretary could ignore very small amounts and let grantees move leftover program income to another grant at closeout.
Within 120 days, State, with Energy, would start an initiative to help new civil nuclear nations. Each grant would be up to $5.5 million, at most one per nation per year and no more than five total per nation. The President would also consider setting up an Advanced Reactor Coordination and Resource Center and could establish it if found feasible.
If enacted, DoD would ask industry about a very large civilian airplane, under development as of June 2025, that could carry items up to 300 feet long. It should be able to enter service by December 31, 2035 and provide 2,000–7,500 flight hours over 2–5 years. DoD would report results to Congress by April 1, 2026.
This bill would raise the authorized amount for the Lake City Army Ammunition Plant microgrid project to $86.5 million, up from $80.1 million. That is a $6.4 million increase for construction and backup power work at the site.
A Chief Strategic Investment Officer would be created at the development finance corporation. The officer would coordinate investments to counter predatory state‑directed practices, advise on national security and foreign policy, and develop performance measures. Appointment would need Board approval, and removal would require a Board majority.
If enacted, State would send Congress a Western Balkans economic and resilience strategy within 180 days. A regional program would support private‑sector growth and grants in six named countries, subject to future funding. DFC should consider a regional office within one year if funds are available, and a joint report on loan guarantees would be due within 180 days.
If enacted, authorized funding would rise for U.S.–Israel projects: anti‑tunnel work from $50 million to $80 million, and counter‑UAS work from $55 million to $75 million. Both authorizations would extend through December 31, 2028. These are program‑level authorizations and still need appropriations.
If enacted, the intelligence community and FBI would brief the Federal Reserve Board on foreign threats to the Fed. This would help protect the U.S. financial system.
If enacted, Treasury’s annual testimony for the next seven years would include U.S. efforts to support Taiwan’s participation in international financial institutions. The U.S. would use its voice and vote at the IMF to back Taiwan’s admission if sought, regular surveillance, hiring of Taiwan nationals, and technical help. The Secretary could waive a requirement for up to one year if it helps Taiwan participate. The policy would last until IMF admission or 10 years after enactment, whichever comes first.
The bill would authorize $78.947 million in 2026 for Army university research initiatives, subject to appropriations and award rules.
If enacted, TRICARE contracted plans could not cover fertility services under the new program for former service members and their dependents. It would also clarify that the section does not create new benefits for former members or allow payments for human cloning, artificial womb technology, or international surrogacy.
If enacted, DoD would not be allowed to support film or TV projects when there is evidence they comply or will comply with Chinese government demands to materially censor content. The Secretary of Defense could waive this by certifying to Congress that a waiver is in the national interest.
If enacted, vessels would be barred from anchoring on a specified part of the Hudson River unless it is within an anchorage set before January 1, 2021. Operators in that reach would have fewer places to anchor.
If enacted, DoD would publish a list of connected vehicles that are not allowed on bases by January 1, 2027. Starting January 1, 2028, you would not be able to drive a listed vehicle on DoD property. The bill would also stop commissaries from selling seafood from China 30 days after enactment, and stop DoD dining from buying it 90 days after enactment. Waivers and limited overseas exceptions would be allowed.
People would not be able to file court challenges to an on‑scene coordinator’s decisions under the Oil Pollution Act or Clean Water Act until a removal action is complete.
Civil aviation would remain barred from using Homestead Air Reserve Base through September 30, 2034. Local civil operators would face continued limits on joint use of the base.
The temporary ban on DoD incineration of PFAS‑related materials and firefighting foam would be repealed. Certain DOE defense‑program funds could not pay Clean Air Act penalties in narrow cases, such as when compliance is physically impossible in time or when the President requested money for compliance and Congress did not fund it.
If enacted, vessel operators could treat more behaviors as security risks, including likely violations of company rules that threaten others on board. More crimes, including certain military sexual offenses and crimes under Federal, State, local, and Tribal law, would block maritime credentials. Drug‑trafficking laws would clearly apply to crimes done on board covered vessels.
DoD would be barred from paying tuition or room and board for foreign students in the ROTC foreign‑student program. The ban would start at enactment and end on December 31, 2031.
Contractors would not be able to defend a price if they had cost or pricing data for more than 30 days before agreement but submitted it late. Rules on contractors tied to Russian fossil‑fuel operations would tighten language and allow an exception for contracts signed before enactment; Treasury licensing, including by general license, is noted. The Secretary would review other U.S. government lists and consider adding those Chinese entities to the annual Chinese military companies list. The Joint Requirements Oversight Council would refocus on global threats, allow combatant commander participation, and update related acquisition rules.
If enacted, the Appraisal Subcommittee could adjust annual registry fees with approval from the FFIEC Council. Firms that pay these fees would face possible cost increases.
If enacted, the Director of National Intelligence and the Attorney General would tighten buying rules for foundation AI models. Agencies would ask vendors about training data and labeling methods. Intelligence elements would avoid public models found to contain unlawfully obtained information when possible.
If enacted, DoD could reopen some retired grade decisions when there is proof of intent to deceive, sexual assault found after retirement, or failure to report a subordinate’s assault. The Secretary would issue rules within 180 days on standards and evidence. Reviews would not apply to actions that were legal at the time.
If enacted, DoD would review areas that get Imminent Danger Pay, with an initial report due by March 1, 2026. Reviews would repeat by March 1, 2031 and every five years after. DoD would report changes within 60 days.
If enacted, DoD would send your contact data to your State veterans agency when you separate or retire, unless you opt out on the form. States could only use the data to offer or connect you to veterans benefits and services. DoD would set agreements to store and transfer data and follow privacy and cybersecurity laws.
If enacted, DoD would start a two‑year wastewater testing pilot within 180 days at at least four military installations. At least one site would monitor covered drugs and at least one would monitor infectious diseases, using a uniform DoD data system. DoD would report findings within 90 days after the pilot ends.
This bill would raise the admin cap for Emergency Solutions Grants to 10%, up from 7.5%. Grantees would be able to spend more on staffing and oversight. That also means slightly less of each grant could go to direct services.
If enacted, some public housing agencies in a named Moving to Work group would be allowed to spend up to 5% of their Section 8 voucher money on other approved uses. The Department would provide renewal funding to replace those amounts, adjusted for inflation. This could add services but reduce dollars going to direct rent help in the short term at those agencies.
HUD would conduct on‑site and performance reviews of housing counseling agencies. HUD could require more training, impose probation, require retests, or permanently suspend an individual counselor after at least two retests. HUD could deny renewal of assistance to an organization with at least 60 days’ written notice and would offer an informal conference if requested.
If enacted, Service Academies would be barred from considering race, sex, color, ethnicity, national origin, or religion in admissions. The bill would also bar people whose sex is male at birth from playing in women’s sports at the academies, with practice allowed only if no woman loses a roster spot, scholarship, or admission. The bill defines sex by reproductive biology and genetics at birth.
Within 180 days, DoDEA would update rules to limit student mobile device use and stop classroom disruptions. The rules would be the same across all DoDEA schools. The Secretary would brief Congress within 60 days after the rules are finished.
If enacted, states would add credentialed trainees to the national registry and send timely updates on licenses and discipline. Certified appraisers could use state‑credentialed or unlicensed trainees to help with required appraisals, while staying liable for the final work.
If enacted, anti‑trafficking grants would be awarded competitively and would require public lists of subgrantees, or a classified list if safety is a concern. Authorization for the International Megan’s Law would run through 2025–2029. Some trafficking‑law updates would start with the next full Trafficking in Persons report cycle. The national strategy under the PROTECT Our Children Act would be published every four years instead of every two.
If enacted, the Coast Guard could keep certain damage‑claim receipts and ice‑patrol receipts until they are spent. The Coast Guard could also make enhanced‑use property deals for up to 30 years, and any proceeds would be available until spent. This authority would end on December 31, 2030, but agreements made before then would stay valid.
If enacted, the Defense Secretary would issue biotechnology ethics policies within one year. The rules would cover informed consent for service members, reversibility and heritable treatments, environmental effects, human performance changes, and following the Biological Weapons Convention. An unclassified report would be due within a year, with briefings every two years through November 1, 2031.
If enacted, several DoD offices could spend only 85%–90% of FY2026 travel funds until they deliver required plans and briefings. The cap would last until the Joint Energetics Transition Office is set up, until an FY2020 law is certified and a plan is submitted, until a legacy‑to‑IP network plan is filed, and until a cybersecurity buying plan is briefed for 2026–2030. DoD would also need to deactivate travel charge cards promptly when people separate, with a report due in 180 days. The bill would remove the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Readiness position.
The Attorney General would have the option, not a mandate, to establish the National ICAC Data System. Program language would be updated to “facilitate” activities, and one advisory seat would rise from one to two representatives.
If enacted, the Coast Guard would report within 270 days on Missouri River dayboards and buoys and could not remove them (absent an imminent safety threat) until 180 days after that report. The bill would also bar the Secretary from delegating certain ship‑classification work to societies from China.
If enacted, NNSA could not set up a long‑term bioassurance program. Other DOE parts or agencies could run such programs, and NNSA could only help on a cost‑reimbursable basis if it does not harm core work. A set of international civil nuclear provisions would end 20 years after enactment.
If enacted, DOE would send Congress an annual February 1 report on LDRD spending, including plant‑directed R&D by facility and plans to use those funds. DOE budget requests would show a separate line for declassification work. Older DOE records not reviewed by October 5, 1999 would not be auto‑declassified unless the Secretary certifies no harm to national security.
NGA and NRO would send a plan within 90 days to stand up a joint office for buying commercial mapping data. The DNI would, within 180 days, estimate the costs to bring all sensitive facilities into ICD‑705 compliance and provide an implementation plan. The DNI would also assess Chinese investment in Brazil’s agriculture within 60 days and send an unclassified report to Congress within 90 days after enactment.
The Secretary of State, with the Attorney General, would be able to propose adding or removing countries from a “country of concern” list. A change would take effect only if Congress passes a joint resolution approving it. These amendments would end five years after enactment.
If enacted, the Commander of Naval Sea Systems Command would serve an eight‑year term, could be appointed Admiral in the final three years, and could serve up to 45 years total; the Navy could end the term early with notice to Congress. The Coast Guard could designate a limited number of officers as experts in military justice or healthcare, move them to a special promotion path, and cap them at captain.
If enacted, one rule would change a percentage from 9% to 25%. A separate defense provision would raise a numeric count from 3 to 5. These are technical updates that adjust how the affected programs operate.
If enacted, DOE would set up a new counterintelligence polygraph program through formal rulemaking. The proposal would be issued within six months after a key review and could include dual nationals who need classified access. Also, DOE jobs funded by Atomic Energy Defense Activities would be treated as national‑security positions for personnel rules.
If enacted, the President could grant case‑by‑case waivers to allow holding certain restricted securities when needed for national security or foreign policy. The President would notify Congress in writing before issuing a waiver and brief committees within 30 days.
If enacted, DoD would not buy generic drugs for resale unless the seller discloses where the drug was made. Sellers would also list the country of origin for all active ingredients and key starting materials.
If enacted, military departments could exchange land in Hawaii that is now leased from, or subject to an easement with, the State. Any payment or in‑kind value would be capped at $2,500,000. This authority would end on December 31, 2031.
If enacted, the Navy and Air Force would be able to use Army historic‑preservation standards for their family housing, including privatized units, built in certain historic periods. Vietnam War‑era standards could apply to post‑1975 housing until December 31, 2045. Agencies would report results to the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation.
Military departments would be able to lease State of Hawaii land for up to 25 years, with options up to 50 years total. Leases could allow advance rent and in‑kind payments, and rent could be set above market if in the public interest. This authority would end December 31, 2031.
If enacted, DHS would set new rules for involuntary separations, and the old Coast Guard boards of review would be repealed. The bill would remove permanent commission revocation language for some ensign separations. Coast Guard flag officers and SES employees with clearances would enter continuous vetting. Reserve selection boards would follow updated statutory guidance.
If enacted, DoD operational energy projects would need to boost resilience and fuel efficiency, with faster 60‑day fund transfers and a definition of cost savings. Disposals from the National Defense Stockpile would have to match the latest annual plan, with notice to Congress within 15 days. Arctic season‑impacted mining and energy projects would get priority consideration by DoD’s investment office. DOE would be directed to allow waivers of U.S. competitiveness clauses when needed to finance projects with allies.
If enacted, the Defense Department would buy firefighter protective gear only if it meets NFPA Standard 1970. This would replace a prior rule that barred gear with intentionally added PFAS. The change would guide DoD buying and supplier designs, not household bills.
If enacted, Defense could notify Congress “at the time” for some Other Transactions and award rapid production deals for proven technologies with a written justification. The bill would also broaden which supporting units count as defense industrial base facilities, enabling wider use of direct‑hire authority at installations.
Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]
MS • R
There are no cosponsors for this bill.
All Roll Calls
Yes: 244 • No: 47
senate vote • 10/9/2025
On Passage of the Bill S. 2296
Yes: 77 • No: 20
senate vote • 9/4/2025
On the Motion to Proceed S. 2296
Yes: 83 • No: 13
senate vote • 9/2/2025
On Cloture on the Motion to Proceed S. 2296
Yes: 84 • No: 14
119-s-4784, National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2027
Authorizes broad FY2027 defense policy and funding that would reshape major procurement, force structure, and tech rules while tightening research security and AI governance. The bill packs multiyear buys, shipbuilding and aircraft inventory floors, new offices for economic and cyber competition, and dozens of reporting and oversight requirements into a single package.
119-s-1541, SHIPS for America Act of 2025
Expand U.S. shipbuilding and maritime capacity for national and economic security. The SHIPS for America Act of 2025 would create a broad statutory framework to grow U.S.-flag fleets, boost domestic shipbuilding and repair, modernize mariner credentials and training, and fund ports, cable repair, and maritime innovation. - Mariners and students would get credential modernization, new scholarships and loan-forgiveness eligibility, and major academy support including about $125.0 million per year for the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy FY2026–FY2035. - U.S. shipyards and builders would gain new financing tools and incentives including a Title XI revolving loan start of $100.0 million and $100.0 million per year for small shipyard assistance FY2026–FY2035. - Commercial shipping, ports, and national security would be reshaped by stronger cargo-preference rules, tariff and tonnage-tax penalties for foreign-of-concern shipyards, and a Strategic Commercial Fleet with targets of at least 10 vessels in year three and 20 vessels per year thereafter. If enacted, it would authorize a Maritime Security Trust Fund capped at $20.0 billion and multiple annual appropriations and program payments through FY2035, increasing federal spending obligations over the next decade.
119-s-3597, National Quantum Initiative Reauthorization Act of 2026
Would reauthorize and expand the National Quantum Initiative to grow the U.S. quantum industry, workforce, and secure supply chains. It would broaden federal programs at NIST, NSF, and NASA, add research centers and workforce hubs, tighten research-security rules, and push international standards and supply-chain resilience. - Students, teachers, and workers would get new traineeships, fellowships, K–12 programs, internships, and a Quantum Reskilling, Education, and Workforce Hub that must include at least 4 institutions including 2 community colleges. - Researchers, universities, national labs, and small businesses would be eligible for expanded centers and grants, including up to 10 multidisciplinary NSF centers and competitive NIST Quantum Centers with grants capped at $18.0 million per center per year. - Supply chains and national security would get new attention through a two-year Commerce and Energy study, a three-year resilience plan, formal foreign-risk screening rules, and funding prohibitions for Confucius Institutes and specified foreign entities. Would authorize federal funding including up to $85.0 million per year for NIST (FY2026–FY2030), up to $25.0 million per year for NASA, and center grants capped at $18.0 million per center per year, increasing authorized federal expenditures over that period.
119-s-688, Fighting Foreign Illegal Seafood Harvests Act of 2025
Creates a public IUU vessel list to target illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing and its links to forced labor. It pairs that list with visa bans, stepped-up Coast Guard boardings, data sharing, and help for partner nations. - Vessel owners: Foreign owners and beneficial owners listed on the IUU vessel list are inadmissible to the United States, can have visas revoked, and are ineligible for new visas or entry. - Enforcement and agencies: NOAA must publish and maintain the list with 90-day notice, hearings, and annual Federal Register publication and is authorized $10 million per year for FY2025–2030 to run the listing program. The Coast Guard must increase boardings year over year and the U.S. will step up engagement with regional fisheries management organizations. - Seafood supply chains and partners: The law requires a published strategy to identify seafood harvested with forced labor and encourages capacity building, technical assistance, and investment in partner nations. It also extends the National Sea Grant authorization through FY2025–2031. Authorizes $10 million per year for FY2025–2030 to operate the IUU listing program and extends Sea Grant authorization through FY2025–2031, which increases federal spending.
119-s-4952, Protecting American Taxpayers Act
*This bill would target waste and fraud across federal programs by preventing improper payments*** and by rescinding unspent COVID‑era and Afghan-related funds to help reduce the deficit. It layers program-integrity checks, rapid fraud triggers for health programs, and recovery tools across agencies.
119-s-1748, Kids Online Safety Act
Require covered online platforms to exercise reasonable care in design and use of features to prevent and mitigate harms to minors. The bill would also push clearer algorithm transparency, parental controls, independent audits for very large platforms, and enforcement by the Federal Trade Commission and state attorneys general. - Families and parents: Platforms would need parental tools to manage minor privacy and accounts, restrict purchases, offer an electronic point of contact, and face limits on market research on children under 13 and on minors under 17 without verifiable parental consent. - Minors' safety: Platforms would owe a duty to prevent harms tied to design features, including eating disorders, substance use disorders, suicidal behavior, extreme harassment, sexual exploitation, gambling and patterns of compulsive use. Platforms must provide reporting mechanisms and multilingual accessibility tied to platform size. - Platforms and oversight: Platforms averaging more than 10 million U.S. monthly active users would file annual, third-party audit reports on minor access, time spent, safeguards, and recommendation systems. Opaque algorithms that use user-specific data would require clear notice and an easy switch to an input-transparent option. Enforcement would follow the FTC Act with specified state enforcement powers.
Surfaced from PRIA's policy knowledge graph, ranked by signal strength, connected by evidence.
Would block federal eminent domain for most agricultural land when a feasible alternative exists, defines covered land, and excludes tiny low‑income parcels.
- 47 U.S.C. § 151 et seq. — Communications Act of 1934: establishes the FCC and its jurisdiction over interstate and foreign communications by wire and radio; the foundational statute for all FCC regu
The Federal Communications Commission — an independent regulatory agency created by the Communications Act of 1934 47 U.S.C. § 151 and substantially restructured by the Telecommunications Act of 1996
The U.S. Department of Labor is revising its implementing regulations for Section 503 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as amended (Section 503). The revisions align the regulations with applicable law and recent executive orders, including Executive Order 14173, "Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity," and Executive Order 14219, "Ensuring Lawful Governance and Implementing the President's `Department of Government Efficiency' Deregulatory Initiative."
“Bill HR10135 contains provision HR10135::prov_1”
The War Powers Resolution 1973 — enacted over President Nixon's veto and codified at 50 U.S.C. §§ 1541–1548 — is Congress's primary statutory attempt to limit the President's ability to commit U.S. fo