George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2025
Sponsored By: Representative Ivey
Introduced
Summary
Creates a sweeping federal framework to boost police accountability and transparency through a national misconduct registry, tighter use‑of‑force standards, and funded independent investigations. It also links federal grants to accreditation, anti‑profiling rules, body‑camera rules, and training for officers.
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Bill Overview
Analyzed Economic Effects
11 provisions identified: 8 benefits, 0 costs, 3 mixed.
Ban on racial profiling in policing
If enacted, the bill would ban racial and other profiling in routine stops and searches. Officers could rely on race or similar traits only when trustworthy, local, and timely facts link a person to a crime. It would allow civil lawsuits, require federal policies, training, and data collection, and tie Byrne funding to States adopting required training starting one year after enactment.
More reporting on stops and force
If enacted, police at all levels would have to report stops, searches, and use of force with race, ethnicity, age, and gender details. States and Tribes that get Byrne funds would report quarterly and keep records at least 4 years; federal agencies would also report quarterly. The Attorney General would set rules within 6 months, audit yearly, and the Bureau of Justice Statistics would publish national reports within 3 years and then every year. States not in substantial compliance could lose DOJ law‑enforcement aid for that year, and the AG could cut up to 10% of Byrne funds. Researchers and State AGs could get non‑identifying data, and names would be protected. A small pilot would fund up to five hit‑rate projects ($5 million total plus $500,000 to evaluate).
National misconduct registry and officer certifications
If enacted, the Attorney General would create a public National Police Misconduct Registry within 180 days. Federal agencies would report within 1 year and then every 6 months; States that get Byrne funds would report every 180 days starting the first fiscal year that begins after 1 year. Entries would include complaints, discipline, terminations, certifications, lawsuits, and resignations under investigation. To keep Byrne funds starting the first fiscal year after 1 year from enactment, States and localities would need an officer certification/decertification system and must report that all officers completed required certifications in the prior year.
Stronger oversight and independent investigations
If enacted, the bill would fund independent deadly‑force investigations and expand oversight tools. It would authorize $750 million for FY2026–FY2028 to help States and Tribes run independent investigations, and $100 million each year for FY2026–FY2028 for State pattern‑and‑practice probes. A DOJ oversight task force would be created with $5 million each year. State attorneys general could sue in federal court and use subpoena power; DOJ could subpoena documents and witnesses. It would not limit existing remedies and would not waive Tribal sovereign immunity.
Tighter force rules and chokehold bans
If enacted, the bill would set federal rules for using force. Less‑lethal force would be allowed only when necessary and proportional after trying reasonable options. Deadly force would be a last resort to stop imminent serious harm and must avoid substantial risk to others, with a warning when feasible. The Attorney General would issue guidance within 120 days. It would define deadly and non‑deadly force, including chokeholds and repeated Taser shocks. One year after enactment, States would need laws banning chokeholds and carotid holds to keep Byrne or COPS grants, and such holds would count as punishment under federal civil‑rights law.
National rules for police body cameras
If enacted, federal officers would need to wear body cameras and turn them on for calls and stops. Officers would have to tell people they are being recorded, and in homes or with victims, some can ask to stop. Cameras could not use facial recognition or have footage run through it. Agencies using these grants would need public policies, protect stored footage, and report key stats. Officers would face limits on when they can view footage and on sharing recordings. Default retention would be 6 months (3 years if force or a complaint), and at least 90 days for in‑car video. These rules would apply only when officers are on duty.
New strings on DOJ policing grants
If enacted, DOJ grants would come with new conditions. Applicants would have to set aside at least 10% for anti‑profiling work, 5% for body‑camera policies, and 5% for accreditation help. Starting the first fiscal year that begins after 1 year from enactment, States and localities could lose Byrne or COPS funds if they lack chokehold/carotid‑hold bans, allow no‑knock drug warrants (for COPS), or fail to criminalize sexual acts under color of law with no consent defense. Jurisdictions could not pass funds to agencies with contracts that block DOJ consent‑decree enforcement or conflict with court orders. The Attorney General would issue guidance within 120 days and may steer discretionary grants to places that require accreditation. Covered programs include any funded by Byrne or COPS. Withheld funds could be released later, subject to a 5‑year cap.
Criminal ban on officer sexual acts
If enacted, it would be a federal crime for someone acting under color of law to engage in a sexual act with a person in federal custody. Consent would not be a defense. Penalties could include a fine and up to 15 years in prison. States and localities that get COPS grants would have to report each year on such cases and their outcomes, and federal watchdogs would report to Congress within 1 year and annually.
Easier civil-rights suits and prosecutions
If enacted, the bill would narrow qualified‑immunity defenses in civil‑rights suits. Officers could not avoid liability by claiming good faith, a belief their conduct was lawful, or that the right was not clearly established. It would also change federal criminal standards by replacing “willfully” with “knowingly or recklessly,” removing the death‑penalty option, and counting an act as causing death if it was a substantial factor.
Grants for community safety and hiring
If enacted, the bill would support community‑led safety work and officer hiring. Byrne and COPS grants could fund local task forces and crisis teams, with best‑practice reports. COPS could offer incentives to recruit and keep officers who live in or move to the communities they serve and would report on diversity and relocation impacts. The Attorney General could give $25 million in FY2026 to community groups for non‑police responses. Small tribal or local agencies could get technical help if they meet set conditions.
Limits on military gear to police
If enacted, the bill would tighten transfers of surplus military gear to local police. Agencies would need to describe the intended use, give at least 30 days of public notice online and in prominent places, and get approval from the local governing body. Recipients would have to return items they no longer need. The Department of Defense would send annual accounting reports to Congress.
Sponsors & CoSponsors
Sponsor
Ivey
MD • D
Cosponsors
Adams
NC • D
Sponsored 9/15/2025
Ansari
AZ • D
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Balint
VT • D
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Beatty
OH • D
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Bell
MO • D
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Bera
CA • D
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Beyer
VA • D
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Brown
OH • D
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Brownley
CA • D
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Carson
IN • D
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Carter (LA)
LA • D
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Casten
IL • D
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Castor (FL)
FL • D
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Cherfilus-McCormick
FL • D
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Chu
CA • D
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Clarke (NY)
NY • D
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Cleaver
MO • D
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Clyburn
SC • D
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Cohen
TN • D
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Correa
CA • D
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Costa
CA • D
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Crockett
TX • D
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Crow
CO • D
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Davis (IL)
IL • D
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Dean (PA)
PA • D
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DelBene
WA • D
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DeGette
CO • D
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Deluzio
PA • D
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DeSaulnier
CA • D
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Doggett
TX • D
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Escobar
TX • D
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Espaillat
NY • D
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Evans (PA)
PA • D
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Figures
AL • D
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Fletcher
TX • D
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Foster
IL • D
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Foushee
NC • D
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Friedman
CA • D
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Frost
FL • D
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Garamendi
CA • D
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Garcia (CA)
CA • D
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Garcia (IL)
IL • D
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Garcia (TX)
TX • D
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Green, Al (TX)
TX • D
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Hayes
CT • D
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Houlahan
PA • D
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Hoyer
MD • D
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Huffman
CA • D
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Jackson (IL)
IL • D
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Jacobs
CA • D
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Jayapal
WA • D
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Johnson (GA)
GA • D
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Kamlager-Dove
CA • D
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Kelly (IL)
IL • D
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Khanna
CA • D
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Krishnamoorthi
IL • D
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Larsen (WA)
WA • D
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Leger Fernandez
NM • D
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Lieu
CA • D
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Lynch
MA • D
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Matsui
CA • D
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McBath
GA • D
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McBride
DE • D
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McClellan
VA • D
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McCollum
MN • D
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McGarvey
KY • D
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McGovern
MA • D
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McIver
NJ • D
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Meeks
NY • D
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Meng
NY • D
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Mfume
MD • D
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Moore (WI)
WI • D
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Morelle
NY • D
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Moulton
MA • D
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Mrvan
IN • D
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Nadler
NY • D
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Neguse
CO • D
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Del. Norton, Eleanor Holmes [D-DC-At Large]
DC • D
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Ocasio-Cortez
NY • D
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Olszewski
MD • D
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Omar
MN • D
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Panetta
CA • D
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Pelosi
CA • D
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Peters
CA • D
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Pingree
ME • D
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Del. Plaskett, Stacey E. [D-VI-At Large]
VI • D
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Pocan
WI • D
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Pressley
MA • D
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Ramirez
IL • D
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Ross
NC • D
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Scanlon
PA • D
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Schakowsky
IL • D
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Schneider
IL • D
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Scott, David
GA • D
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Sewell
AL • D
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Simon
CA • D
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Sherman
CA • D
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Smith (WA)
WA • D
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Soto
FL • D
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Stansbury
NM • D
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Stevens
MI • D
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Strickland
WA • D
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Swalwell
CA • D
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Thanedar
MI • D
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Thompson (MS)
MS • D
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Tlaib
MI • D
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Tokuda
HI • D
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Torres (NY)
NY • D
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Trahan
MA • D
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Underwood
IL • D
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Vargas
CA • D
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Veasey
TX • D
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Velazquez
NY • D
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Wasserman Schultz
FL • D
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Waters
CA • D
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Watson Coleman
NJ • D
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Williams (GA)
GA • D
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Wilson (FL)
FL • D
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Tonko
NY • D
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Johnson (TX)
TX • D
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Raskin
MD • D
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Randall
WA • D
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Casar
TX • D
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Bishop
GA • D
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Larson (CT)
CT • D
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Gomez
CA • D
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Norcross
NJ • D
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Walkinshaw
VA • D
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Elfreth
MD • D
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Menefee
TX • D
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Roll Call Votes
No roll call votes available for this bill.
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